Asia-Pacific in the Making of the Americas: Toward a Global History

Carter’s Chinese Language Instructor

Carter was a talented linguist. With knowledge of English, French, Arabic, Latin, Greek and Spanish, he also studied the Chinese language in Canton and developed an interest in Chinese literature in later life. As pointed out by a number of China Trade historians, the merchants of Providence sent fleets to Canton for market development beginning in the 1780s. One of the difficulties noted by U.S. China traders, in Canton from 1784, was that the Qing government forbade foreigners from studying the Chinese language. The act was punishable by death, yet Carter was probably the first American to break the ban.[9] Based on Carter’s writings, Robert W. Kenny has shown that Carter studied Chinese in Canton in 1804 with Abel Xaverius, a Catholic priest in China, as his instructor.  One of the teaching materials used was a Chinese-Latin dictionary compiled by the “Portuguese missionary” “Basilico de Clemona”. Abel transcribed more than 15,000 Chinese characters and explained them to Carter in Latin. Studying conscientiously, Carter made obvious progress in his proficiency in Chinese.[10] The “Father” Carter mentioned refers to the Italian Franciscan priest Basile de Glemona (葉宗賢/葉尊教, 1648-1704) and the dictionary was entitled Hán-tzé-sin-yih 漢字西譯 (Western Translation of Chinese Characters), which had circulated widely in manuscript form since 1726.[11]
 

It is believed that Abel was the man “Abel Yun-kwan-ming” who was also one of the Chinese language instructors for Robert Morrison 馬禮遜 (1782-1834).[12] Abel, an orphan from the Shanxi Province, was taken to Peking (Beijing) and brought up there by Catholic priests. He could speak fluent Guanhua 官話 (language of the officials) and Latin. He was as an active agent for priests in Canton and Macao afterwards, and he also taught English people the Chinese language. Morrison, on his first arrival, learned Chinese from Abel, but later stated that Yun was not very proficient in written Chinese.[13] However, what Carter said about Yun was different. In October 1805, Carter was commissioned by Carrington to prepare the Chinese translation of a document, making a complaint that American merchants had been unfairly treated,to be submitted to the Governor of Guangdong and Guangxi. Aware that his proficiency in Chinese was not up to the job, Carter sought help from Yun. The document was first translated into Latin by Carter, then into Chinese by Yun and finally signed jointly by American ship captains, supercargoes and merchants. Carter claimed that this was the first document in Chinese submitted by America to the Chinese government:

具禀花旗公司夷人等,因有紅毛戰船一只,船名吓唎口爺唲,屬吥哩口大呢呩囯王名下,今帶兵器來廣。對頭新到花旗船,船名喇唦嚟,船主名吔口哥咟口哥咟唲,保商昆水官。此花旗船是從啡嘞嘚嚊唖地方來廣貿易,今又要回啡嘞嘚嚊唖地方去。他如此利害,若不得我花旗船,決不放手,因此於本月十四日,花旗船主寫書與他,講如此風俗朋情全然不好,應當將所捉花旗船之人送回,到今亦未得回信。
即於本月十四日,紅毛戰船船主會同花旗一明白人,要下黃布(“浦”),查各花旗船,到如今亦未有同去。因此我等花旗船人,怕他搶花旗船上水手,到後來我等花旗夷人不能回本囯。我等船上所有貨物,俱是貴重之貨,必受大害,因此我等花旗夷人同心合意懇求 大人,我等各船亦肯相借水手相幫,將紅毛戰船捍逐出去,就是本朝廣東做生意各人,亦說紅毛戰船無理,說捍逐出去寔為妥當。於本月十六日,花旗船主又寄信一封與紅毛戰船船主,講如此利害對我花旗,即中囯各商人亦說是無道理,到如今亦不見回信。
我等花旗人來廣東做生意已經多年,俱是守分公平,全然不敢有犯本朝囯法,不敢乱一的規距(“矩”),俱是遵順本囯,因此生意一年多一年,與初時生意多數十倍。中囯人與我花旗,彼此大有利益。
他紅毛戰船終年終日以搶刧為生,各囯無不受其害。但今來廣,不獨與我花旗對頭,亦有相望此處之意。
我等花旗各船到廣貿易,相依 聖朝大國,又喜歡在大人賢明之下,心寔相安。因想紅毛戰船不言道理,不遵王法,怕一時受其害,是在大人治下,亦有不安。今我花旗等盡禀苦情,恭敬叩懇,務望 大人哀憐孤弱,公道救扶,大威一下,將紅毛戰船捍逐去海,併傳諭紅毛戰船,着他即將所捉花旗船上一人,送回花旗本船,使我等血本有歸,皆賴大人仁慈存憫,伏望縂督大人作主施行[14]

In English, the above reads

           Petition is hereby submitted by the foreigners of American companies for the issue related to a battleship of the red-haired foreigners (referring to the British). The ship, bringing arms with it to Canton, is known as H.M. Brig Harrier and belongs to the British King. The opponent party is a newly-arrived ship from the U.S. named as New Jersey. The captain is James Cooper and the security merchant in charge is Consequa. This American ship came from Philadelphia to Canton for trade, and will soon return to Philadelphia. The British are formidable and they will not stop bothering us Americans without getting our ships.  Therefore the captain of the American ship wrote a letter to them on the 14th of this month, telling them that such an act is harmful to the common practice, and that they should return the person who had been captured from the American ship. But so far there is no reply from them.
            On the 14th of this month, the captain of the British battleship, accompanied by a reasonable American, planned to sail down to Huangpu (Whampoa) to investigate all the American ships, but so far the American gentleman has not gone there with the British captain. Thus we people of the American ships are afraid that they will seize the sailors of the American ships and make us Americans unable to return to our country. All the commodities on our ship are valuable things and will no doubt be greatly damaged.  Therefore we Americans jointly entreat your Excellency to expel the British battleship. Our ships are also willing to send sailors to help with the task.  Even the local Guangdong merchants agree that the British battleship is making trouble groundlessly, and that it is really appropriate to expel the British battleship. On the 16th of this month, the captain of the American ship sent another letter to the captain of the British battleship telling them that their terribly unfair treatment of us Americans was also criticized as groundless by Chinese merchants.  But so far no reply is received.
            We Americans have been engaged in business in Guangdong for years. We all do our duties and are fair to everyone, refraining from breaking any law of the Heavenly Empire or any regulation in business. We all comply with the requirements of our country as well.  As a result, our business is growing year after year, and the volume of trade is now several dozen times more than the volume at the beginning. Both the Chinese and Americans stand to benefit from the trade.
            The British battleships make a living by committing robberies all the time, and none of the merchants from foreign countries can avoid suffering from them.  The aim of their recent arrival in Guangdong is not only to act against us Americans, but also to plot to seize more benefits in this province.
            Our American ships came to Guangdong for the development of trade and we can really put our mind at ease because we rely on the reign of the sagely empire and are overjoyed to be under the judicious rule of Your Excellency. Considering that the British with battleships are unreasonable and do not abide by law, we are afraid that damage may be caused to us in the  short term and are even more worried that the damage is caused under the rule of Your Excellency. We Americans hereby have informed Your Excellency of all our grievances, and respectfully request that Your Excellency commiserate with our disadvantage, and rectify the situation with impartiality by fully employing the power of Your Excellency to expel the British battleships back to the sea. Your Excellency is also requested to order the British battleship concerned to release the person, who was captured from the American ship by the British, and return him to his own American ship, and we can recover our capital. We all depend on Your Excellency for beneficence and help. We humbly entreat Your Excellency to make a decision and carry it out.[15]

 
Regarding the conflict involving Britain, U.S. and China, the famous historian Kenneth S. Latourette long ago offered a discussion on the attitudes of the three nations and on America’s action of protest.[16] However, he did not mention that Carrington’s petition submitted to the Qing Government was a Chinese translation.  This translation has never caught due attention from scholars in the study of the early Sino-American relationship. If the Chinese version of the document was really done by Yun himself, then his Chinese may still be regarded as plain and intelligible. According to theology professor Thor Strandenaes, Yun played a variety of roles for Morrison: an information provider, an adviser, a conversationalist on the Chinese language, culture, and customs, and a guide to acquaint him with Catholicism and the Chinese community.[17] I believe that Yun was also fulfilling the same broad functions when he served as Carter's Chinese instructor. 
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[9] Eric Widmer, “From the Nixon Visit to China; Looking Backward”, Brown Alumni Monthly, Vol. 72, No. 6 (Mar. 1972), p. 22; [https://ia601407.us.archive.org/7/items/brownalumnimonth726brow/brownalumnimonth726brow.pdf] James B. Hedges, The Browns of Providence Plantations (Providence, RI: Brown University Press, 1968), pp. 15-36 Jacques M. Downs, The Golden Ghetto: the American Commercial Community at Canton and the Shaping of American China Policy, 1784-1844 (Baltimore, Md.: Project Muse, 2015), pp. 83-90 ; Alexander B. Hawes, Off Soundings: Aspects of the Maritime History of Rhode Island (Chevy Chase, Md.: Posterity Press, 1999), pp. 211-265.
[10] Kenny, “Carter, Physician Extraordinary”, p. 103.
[11] Yang Huiling 楊慧玲, “Hanzi xiyi kaoshu” 《漢字西譯》考述 (Text-based Research on the Manuscript Chinese-Latin Dictionaries by Basilio Brollo), in Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua 中國典籍與文化 (Chinese Classics & Culture), Vol. 2 (2011), pp. 118-125.
[12] Abel Xaverius’s name in Chinese is translated into different English versions, see Bian Haoyu 卞浩宇, WanQing laihua xifangren hanyu xuexi yu yanjiu 晚清來華西方人漢語學習與研究 (The Study on the Learning and Researching of the Chinese Language of the Westerners Coming to) (PhD dissertation, Suzhou University, 2010), p. 55; Jost O. Zetzsche, The Bible in China: The History of the Union Version, or, the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China (Sankt Augustin: Monumenta Serica Institute, 1999), p. 40 n. 76; Lai Yongxiang 賴永祥, “Shihua – 081 – Ma Lixun zhi laihua Episodes in History 081 - Morrisons Coming to China”, Taiwan Church News, Vol. 1963 (Oct. 15, 1989), http://www.laijohn.com/BOOK1/081.htm.  In fact, when Morrison was writing about him, besides the commonly used translated name spelt as “Yun-kwan-ming” (Morrison’s “Letter to Mr Ralston”, in Melville Horne, A Collection Of Letters Relative To Foreign Missions: Containing Several Of Melvill Horne’s Letters On Missions, And Interesting Communications From Foreign Missionaries [Andover: Printed by Garen Ware, 1810], p. 140) [https://books.google.com.hk/books?id=QI6NO1kszuwC&dq=%22A+Collection+Of+Letters+Relative+To+Foreign+Missions%22&hl=zh-TW&source=gbs_navlinks_s], there was still another spelling for the same name, i.e. “Yen Pwoin Ming” (Morrison’s “Letter to Dr Waugh”, Ibid, p. 214). The author thinks that the latter is a more accurate spelling and is preparing another paper to discuss this point.
[13] Eliza A. Mrs. Robert Morrison, Memoirs of the Life and Labours Robert Morrison, D.D (London: Longman, Orme, Brown, and Longmans, 1839) [https://books.google.com.hk/books?id=VeFlAAAAcAAJ&dq=Memoirs+of+the+Life+and+Labours+Robert+Morrison,+D.D+&hl=zh-TW&source=gbs_navlinks_s], Vol. 1, pp. 159, 163, 168, 183-184, 202, 214-215, 250, 347, 405-406, mentions of Yun are made. They kept in contact until 1814.
[14] This documents is collected in “Carter-Danforth Papers: Family of Providence, R.I. Papers, 1722-1929” and not found in any other collections of American diplomatic documents.  Regarding the importance of this document, see also Kenny, “Physician Extraordinary”, p. 104.   
[15] For the original English versions of the nations, names of people and ships mentioned in this paper in Cantonese transliteration, see Guangxi Normal University Press 廣西師範大學出版社compiled, Meiguo zhu Zhongguo Guangzhou lingshiguang baogao 美國駐中國廣州領事館報告,1790-1906 (Despatches from U. S. Consuls in Canton, China, 1790-1906) (Guilinshi: Guangxi Normal University Press, 2007), v. 1, p. 79.
[16] Kenneth S. Latourette, History of Early Relations between the United States and China, 1784-1844 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1917) [https://books.google.com.hk/books?id=57cJAAAAIAAJ&dq=%22History+of+Early+Relations+between+the+United+States+and+China,+1784-1844%22&hl=zh-TW&source=gbs_navlinks_s], pp. 49-51. See also Dennett, Americans in Eastern Asia, pp. 83-85.
[17] Thor Strandenaes, “Anonymous Bible Translators: Native Literati and the Translation of the Bible into Chinese, 1807-1907”, in Stephen Batalden etc eds., Sowing the Word: the Cultural Impact of the British and Foreign Bible Society, 1804-2004 (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2004), p. 130.

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