LATTER-DAY SAINTS: LANGUAGE USE, ATTITUDE, AND LINGUISTIC PRACTICE by Mackenzie Lindeman
Within the construct of this analysis, I have conducted a holistic secondary research overview concerning issues surrounding language use and identity, with a focus on drawing together the scholarship on two related aspects: (1) How adherents of religions use language and linguistic practice to set themselves apart from others, and (2) how religious beliefs and practices affect adherents’ language attitudes and use. Specifically, the religious affiliation that will be looked into is Latter-Day Saints (LDS). The LDS church had its official beginning in 1830 (Di Paolo 344). LDS members are commonly referred to as Mormons, and both names will be used for reference interchangeably within this analysis. Ultimately, I sought to find the importance of religious affiliation to sociolinguistic choices through secondary research, in which I have formed my own conclusions, pending further data.
Religion Through a Sociolinguistic Lens
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, sociolinguistics can be defined as a branch of linguistics that deals with the social aspects of language. As claimed by Wendy Baker-Smemoe and David Bowie—professors of Linguistics—in “Linguistic Behavior and Religious Activity,” many sociolinguistic researchers have formed the assumption that religion is not a contributing factor within the branch of sociolinguistics and linguistic behavior in speech communities thereof (116). However, emerging research has found that religion does play a factor in social networks and the language that is used (117). Wendy Baker-Smemoe and Breana Jones, in their article, “Religion on the border,” express that countless studies of language and identity have found that various groups utilize non-mainstream lexical, phonological and grammatical features to set themselves apart from other groups and mark their identity (90). In another study done by Baker-Smemoe and Bowie in “Religious Affiliation as a Correlate of Linguistic Behavior,” they concluded “that religions that require a high time commitment of their members facilitate the development of social networks based on religious affiliation, leading to linguistic differences between adherents and non-adherents” (8). To offer a brief insight into the high level of commitment expected of LDS members, some of their obligations are as follows:
There are generally three hours of church services on Sundays; Monday is set aside for family night; there are singles’ activities during the week on Tuesday or Wednesday; and most people have ‘callings,’ which are responsibilities within the church which vary, and which can range in terms of time commitment between a few times a month to upwards of twenty hours a week. In addition to these callings, men can be home teachers, assigned a number of families to visit once a month to teach the gospel, and women can be visiting teachers, assigned a number of women to visit. Visiting Teachers are encouraged to minister by ‘stay(ing) in frequent contact through visits, phone calls, letters, e-mail, text messages and simple acts of kindness’ (lds.org). Saturdays are often spent preparing for Sunday services. High school students also attend Seminary on weekdays for an hour before school (Rosen and Skriver 106).
The linguistic choices used by Mormons and the differences that emerge between adherents and non-adherents demonstrate “bona fides.” Bona fides are a way for one to assert that they know what it takes to be a part of the said religion/group; in this case, the LDS religion. Bona fides are linguistic markers, such as code switching, for belonging to networks (Bowie and Peterson 28). The Mormon religion is an ideal religion to study, for it has been found to be a salient social characteristic of their communities. Variables that should be taken into account when researching religion and its reflection in a linguistic system include: ethnicity, location, and religious activity. All three of those variables will be looked at within this secondary research overview. Malcah Yaeger-Dror, a member of the (variationist) sociolinguistics community, explains in “Religious choice, religious commitment, and linguistic variation: Religion as a factor in language variation,” that new theoretical insights can result from effective demographic coding (72). For the purpose of this study, different demographic areas where Mormon communities are established will be looked at, including the Intermountain West, Utah County, Mexico, and Southern Alberta, Canada. While borders, such as demographic areas, can be physical, they can also be social (Bowie and Peterson 2). Thus, religious forms of address, activity, and affiliation will also be used as lenses in which this research analysis looks through as influencing factors in linguistic use and variation.1. Propredicate Do in the Intermountain West
In the Intermountain West, with a specific focus on Utah County, a study published in American Speech, and conducted by Marianna Di Paolo, sheds light on the use of propredicate do (pro-do) in the English used by Mormons. An example of pro-do in English must first be given: “Alright, I can do; however, is it necessary?” The use of pro-do in Mormon Dominant areas of the Intermountain West, primarily Utah, can be attributed to two key factors: English immigrants and as part of creating a Mormon ethnic identity. Specifically, classified by the Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, Mormons are identified as an indigenous American ethnicity (Baker 6). Ethnic groups can then be understood as “a self perceived group of people who hold in common a set of traditions not shared by the others with whom they are in contact” (5).
With the official beginning of the LDS church in 1830, many initial members that were recruited came from areas of heavily-English ancestry (Di Paolo 344). The first effective English-language settlement took place in 1847 (Bowie and Peterson 5). While the use of pro-do in the United States is rarely heard, those of English descent have used it in their everyday language since it gained momentum around 1920 (Di Paolo 345). In the late 19th century, English immigrants “provided 9.3% of the initial population of the [Utah] state, [and] they contributed another 10% of the total population through English foreign-born in the next forty years of extremely rapid population growth” (345). As of 1993, Utah English single ancestry made up 280.2% for the United States as a whole (346). Evidently, the influx of English immigrants that were converted to the LDS religion played a part in the influencing of Mormon pro-do use.
At the time, English immigrants weren’t the only ones making a big migration, but Europeans as a whole were in search of a new life in the Intermountain West. However, immigrants that chose to settle in Utah were not moving from their old life into a new one filled with freedom, as was common in other areas of the Intermountain West. Instead, the immigrants were met with a strict social regime, closely knit villages, and a hierarchical society where pressures to assimilate and conform were heavy (Di Paolo 347). One of the pressures immigrants were faced with, in regard to the LDS church, was polygamy: the practice or custom of having more than one wife. The LDS church quickly came under pressure, and they were faced with scrutiny from outside forces in regard to their polygamus practices. Polygamy quickly failed, but a religiously-dominated social life and the prohibition against the use of alcohol and tobacco helped to replace it, as part of maintaining a Mormon ethnic identity. To further maintain a strict Mormon ethnic identity, immigrants were encouraged to abandon their non-English languages to show allegiance. This was the beginning of deliberate language manipulation, cultural boundaries dwindling, and linguistic imperialism forming (347). For this reason, markers of other languages were not preserved and the use of pro-do was, because it was English and coincided with the Mormon standards for unity and conformity.
In conclusion, the use of pro-do in Utah by Mormons supports that they are “prime candidates to develop SOFT linguistic ethnic markers in the form of variants of English that are not commonly found or not found to the same extent in the English spoken by others in the United States” (Di Paolo 347). A soft linguistic marker is a marker that isn’t exclusive, but can be used by members of a group to show group affiliation, especially to in-group members. The evidence further supports that syntactic regionalism is more acceptable to Mormons than to other natives of the area who are not Mormon (340).
2. Glide Weakening of (ai) (i diphthong) in the Intermountain West
In a dissertation written by Robert Sykes, A Sociophonetic Study of (Ai) in Utah English, Sykes looks into the glide weakening of (ai) (i diphthong) phonetically through the lens of a young single adults’ ward in the LDS church. Sykes’ research supports Marianna Di Paolo’s findings, establishing that Mormons have been forming a cultural area in the Intermountain West through their level of commitment to the religion and community thereof. As a result of the level of commitment Mormons are expected to demonstrate to their religious affiliation, the community becomes a community of practice. A community of practice can be understood as a group of people that develop shared beliefs, values, and—talking (Sykes 19).
Sykes’ study of a LDS single adults ward is an ideal sub-group within the religion as a whole to study, due to the strength of the network ties, “providing a laboratory to test claims about network strength and language change” (20). Results from Sykes’ study found differences between genders, with men more likely to display glide-weakened (ai) than women before voiced obstruents and nasals. This finding suggests that glide weakening is a slow onset of an incoming change in Utah English, disproving a large piece of reference work in the linguistic community, Atlas of North American English, by William Labov in 2006, which deemed glide-weakening to not be present in Utah, published four years before Sykes’ dissertation findings (56).
3. Card~Cord Merger in Mexico
In a study by Wendy Baker-Smemore and Breana Jones in “Religion on the Border: The Effect of Utah English on English and Spanish use in the Mexican Mormon Colonies,” they explain how linguistic variations can be found as a result of Utah Mormons who were escaping religious persecution. Mormons escaping religious persecution in Utah found a new life and settled in the towns of Nuevo Casas Grandes, Casas Grandes, Colonia Dublán and Colonia Juárez in Casas Grandes Valley, Chihuahua, Mexico; the specific geographical context of this study (90). Within these towns, the people studied were broken down into three groups: English LDS, Spanish LDS, and Spanish non-LDS. The Spanish LDS group shared similarities with both the other two groups: they share the same religion with the English LDS group and they share the same ethnicity with the Spanish non-LDS group. With the Spanish LDS group sharing similarities with both groups, evidence suggests that they have tried to set themselves apart through their use of language. In an effort for the Spanish LDS to distinguish themselves from the non-LDS Spanish speakers, the Spanish LDS distinguish between word initial [b] and [v]. In an effort to distinguish themselves from the English LDS speakers, Spanish LDS use fewer and different variations of Utah English, such as the card~cord merger, which has been dying out in Utah (102). The card~cord merger can be understood as mergers before /r/, and have been found to also be used by LDS Canadians (92). These findings suggest that the Spanish LDS group and their identities “are created in the negotiation of participation in multiple communities of practice” (102).
4. Vowel Patterning in Southern Alberta, Canada
In a study by Nicole Rosen and Crystal Skriver, “Vowel Patterning of Mormons in Southern Alberta, Canada,” the patterning of /æ/ and the differences between Mormons and the general population is looked into. Southern Alberta (hereafter, referred to as SAb) has a high LDS population density with intense and multi-faceted social networks, making it an ideal place to study language change and any resistance thereof (105). The studies showed that the general population significantly raises /æ/ before /g/, compared to the Mormons in the region that have a conservative influence on the /æ/ and do not show any evidence of a strong raising. This evidence ties back, again, to the tight-knit social network Mormons are a part of. With a significant difference of raising /æ/ between the general population and Mormons in the region established, the most divergent group was young Mormon women (104). LDS women were the most conservative (i.e., least retracted and lowered) of their /æg/, compared to older LDS women and SAb women. Significantly, the notable difference between the LDS and SAb women speakers neutralized for the middle-aged group. This neutralization amongst the middle-aged group may be attributed to the “linguistic marketplace effect...where women in their prime working and child-rearing years may have more incentive to be more normative in their speech due to economical and social capital gained through normative speech patterns” (111). However, within the confines of this study, socio-economic status was not found to be an influencing factor, suggesting that there may be something else at play. For men, the SAb had a more retracted /æ/ and more peripheral /æg/, with the LDS men “showing a lack of both retraction and raising as compared to their non-LDS counterparts,” due to their vowels being closer together (111).
In this study, “Vowel Patterning of Mormons in Southern Alberta, Canada,” gender and age-grading emerge as influencing factors in linguistic variation. Some outside research argues that women are the instigators of sociophonect change, or innovators of a different pattern, but my secondary research supports the following conclusion: Mormon women are more conservative compared to other groups, religious or not (Rosen and Skriver 104). Arguably, the innovators of the speech within the LDS church are actually the men, who have a broader network as they venture off on two-year-long missions, often attend postgraduate school and attain a higher education, and are statistically the primary income holder within the typical SAb LDS family. As a result, the LDS men become more susceptible to change in their speech and play a primary role in language development and maintenance. In comparison, women are not pressured to go on two-year-long missions, and are expected to marry and have children to raise up in the LDS church. Women within the LDS church are drawn into closely-knit social networks that in turn, reinforce linguistic patterns that are heard (114). Overall, gender has proved to play a role in linguistic variation, including glide weakening of (ai) in the Intermountain West, Vowel Patterning in Southern Alberta, Canada, and forms of address.
In an article by Joseph Stanley, “When do Mormons Call Each Other by First Name?” published by the University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, he states that within the LDS church, members typically refer to each other by their last name (TLN), prefaced by the titles “Brother” for men, or “Sister” for women (286). For example, Joseph Stanley would be referred to as “Brother Stanley” within the LDS church. It has also been observed by Stanley that members have a tendency, that goes largely unnoticed, to refer to people by their first name (FN), instead of their last name, in an effort to form solidarity (286). In this case, the aforementioned example would read “Brother Joseph.” Being that this change of reference between FN and TLN goes unnoticed by the members, it proves to be an ideal sociolinguistic variable. This distinct form of address is also not commonly found in other communities (292). Within the study, Stanley accounts for some influencing factors that may determine whether or not a member is referred to by FN or their TLN. Based on anecdotal evidence, it suggests that singles were called more by FN than those that were married, concluding that marital status may play a role in address forms within the church (287). In addition to marital status, gender has also proved to play a role in the use of FN or TLN. Overall, women use FN more than the men did and the women were more often referred to by their FN than men were. This finding can be attributed to the fellowship and level of intimacy shared between LDS women. Another factor that influences FN or TLN reference is parental status. Those within the church that have children are referred to more by their TLN than those without children, suggesting that there is more respect within the church for those that are parents and a corresponding status change thereof, expressed through a more formal address (292).
In another article by Joseph Stanley, “Brother Bell’s Audience Design: Forms of Address Among Latter-Day Saint Young Adults,” Stanley finds familiarity to be a factor, with age proving to be a reflection of social networks, in addition to marital status, gender, and parental status, when it comes to forms of address within the LDS church. Stanley states that “In American English, title + last name (TLN) is typically used for older, superior, or unfamiliar addressees while first name (FN) is directed towards younger, subordinate, or familiar addressees” (1). From Stanley’s study of young adults, familitiarity emerges as the strongest factor when predicting the use of TLN or FN. For example, a result from the study showed that young adults within six years of each other had a tendency to use FN more than TLN because of their familitary with each other. When the age difference is greater than six years, there proved to be an increase in the use of TLN, even when the speaker was addressing someone much younger than themselves (1). This finding is surprising for in American English, TLN is typically used for older addressees. Overall, both of Stanley’s studies and findings support the Mormon community address systems as robust compared to other communities, determined by a variety of factors including: marital status, parental status, gender, and familiarity. These findings suggest that religious traditions influence linguistic choices among LDS members who share a common belief (1).
2. Linguistic Behavior and Religious Activity
In an article by Wendy Baker-Smemoe and David Bowie on “Linguistic Behavior and Religious Activity,” it is stated that religious affiliation and religious activity is important when it comes to its reflection in a linguistic system (116). It has also been confirmed by “other researchers [that] have found that religion can play a role in determining a speaker’s social networks and, as a result, their language use, at least in areas where religion is a salient social characteristic of the community,” such as in Utah County (117). In the study, Baker- Smemoe and Bowie studied active Mormons, non-active Mormons, and non-Mormons. As shown in table 1, for the variables pre-nasal /ʌ/ and pre-obstruent /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ “the pattern appears to be that the inactive Mormons may be linguistically more different, slightly so, from the active Mormons than they are from the non-Mormons” (123). This may be attributed to a type of hyper accommodation where inactive Mormons try to mark themselves linguistically as being different from active Mormons and non-Mormons altogether. However, it’s important to note that this did hold true for all variables, such as the glide of the /ɑɪ/ (as in buy) diphthong with inactive Mormons not remotely close to overshooting the non-Mormons production. But that could be due to the fact that not every vowel is going to be equally susceptible to types of hyper accommodation pressures, as was the (possible) case for the variables pre-nasal /ʌ/ and pre-obstruent /ɑ/ and /ɔ/. While the hyper accomodation can’t be proven from this data alone, it is clear that activity levels in a religion, a voluntary and malleable social characteristic, can affect linguistic behavior (123).
3. Religious Affiliation as a Correlate of Linguistic Behavior
In an article by Wendy Baker and David Bowie on “Religious Affiliation as a Correlate on Linguistic Behavior,” it is stated that Utah County is an ideal location to study how religious affiliation affects linguistic choices. Mormons and non-Mormons in Utah live in the same neighborhood, attend the same school, and interact with each other on a daily basis, moving beyond the problem of religion-based residential segregation, with non-Mormons serving as the minority for the area (3,8). The findings from this study, which studied vowel/near vowel merges, as seen in table 2, suggest that non-Mormons are participating in the mergers more common to the Western shift, including the pin-pen merger, in an effort to “identify themselves as non-members of the dominant culture,” whether subconsciously or not (7-8). It could also suggest that non-Mormons spend more time interacting with people outside of Utah County, further suggesting that the Mormon religion in Utah County serves as a social factor with the development of close-knit social networks revolving around religious ties.
In-Group Language in Creating and Maintaining Ethnic Boundaries
When it comes to boundaries, they are largely psychological and not territorial. One of the largest boundaries created by Mormons has then been proved to be language. Analyzing the Mormon religion through the study of their language and how it relates to their religious experience is important for understanding language as a boundary marker, what is implied by linguistic competence, and the power of language as an individual force (Baker 7-8). While the internal language of Mormons has variations and is not consistent region to region, linguistic boundaries are becoming more emphasized as cultural boundaries dwindle (152). One prime example of cultural boundaries dwindling has been a direct result of English being named the official language of the LDS church worldwide. This demonstrates linguistic imperialism, with local cultures destroyed as members are expected to perform and function adequately in English in higher callings (147). In this sense, members begin to perceive group and language as being successful in meeting specific needs, including authenticating the historicity of the group, strengthening the componential consciousness, allowing for the meaningful interpretation of value, attitudes and beliefs of both speakers and hearer, and reinforcing the members’ self-image (144-145). Essentially, when individuals are presented with linguistic boundaries, they are also presented with a choice: convergence or divergence (23). While the variations of language are not consistent region to region, what is consistent is their in-group isolation, which was at first geographical but quickly turned psychological after the church came under scrutiny (138). In-group isolation offers any language the time to develop with minimal interference and time to assert new concepts that are essential for Mormonism to succeed as an established ethnicity (138, 142). Language, as used by Mormons, is ultimately used to reinforce their social identity, remind the group of its cultural heritage, meet their needs for cohesiveness, transmit group feelings, and exclude the general population from participating in internal affairs (29).
Works Cited
Baker, Margaret P. 1986. Some functions of Mormon in-group language in creating and maintaining ethnic boundaries. Arizona State University doctoral dissertation.
Baker-Smemoe, Wendy & Breana Jones. 2014. Religion on the border: The effect of Utah English on English and Spanish use in the Mexican Mormon Colonies. In Dominic Watt & Carmen Llamas (eds.), Language, borders and identity, 90-104.
Baker-Smemoe, Wendy & David Bowie. 2015 Linguistic behavior and religious activity. Language & Communication 42, 116-124.
Baker, Wendy & Bowie, David. 2010. Religious affiliation as a correlate of linguistic behavior. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 15(2). Article 2. Available at: https://repository. upenn.edu/pwpl/vol15/iss2/2
Bowie, David & Boyd J. Petersen. 2018. Group naming practices and sociocultural borders in the Mormon Culture Region. Paper presented at Language and Borders: Rethinking Mobility, Migration, and Space.
Di Paolo, Marianna. 1993. Propredicate do in the English of the Intermountain West. American Speech 68. 339–356.
Rosen, Nicole & Crystal Skriver. 2015. Vowel patterning of Mormons in Southern Alberta, Canada. Language & Communication 42. 104-115.
Stanley, Joseph A. 2015. Brother Bell’s audience design: Forms of address among Latter-day Saint young adults. Paper presented at SECOL82.
Stanley, Joseph A. 2016. When do Mormons call each other by first name?” University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 22(1). Article 31.
Sykes, Robert D. 2010. A sociophonetic study of (ai) in Utah English. University of Utah master’s thesis.
Mackenzie Lindeman graduated in 2021 with a Baccalaureate in English. Selected by David Bowie.