This page is referenced by:

• 1 2016-03-18T15:41:50-07:00 5.2 | Enabling cooperative collective dynamics through conflict resolution 6 plain 2016-03-29T18:45:50-07:00 <<< 5.1 | Access, use and dissemination of sustainability know-how
  
  Along the different phases of pre-establishment, establishment and maintenance, assentamentos face a variety of situations in which conflicts need to be resolved. Sustained interaction with others in daily life requires means to settle disagreements and coordinate actions, especially when spaces are shared, resources are scarce, and future livelihoods depend strongly on what neighbors can do together. A lack of capacity to resolve conflicts has led some assentamentos to experience difficulties in setting up collective projects, especially due to a “tendency” of attributing responsibility for crises or shocks to “the cooperative"(19:32).
  
  
  On the other hand, in relatively more ‘successful’ assentamentos, an increased capacity to work together led some families to opt to share their “individual” parcels and install a system in which production parcels are assigned according to the size and the labor capacity of every family [21:13].
  
  
  
  This integrated and cooperative system allowed them to build a wide range of collective infrastructure for service provision—including restaurants, laundries, bakeries and supermarkets—which not only diversified jobs in the community, but also allowed their income to be more stable (19:xx).
  
  
  A high degree of cooperation (and access to know-how) also lead residents in these communities to be able to gather enough resources for building an agroindustry for processing their raw goods—and those of their neighbors—and sell to companies and organizations across the country. Terra Vista, instead of just continuing to export high quality cocoa for European manufacturers—already a memorable triumph of their cooperative, linked to agroecological know-how—are now starting to make chocolate and cosmetics from their crops to commercialize in those markets. COPAVA produces cachaça (a sugarcane spirit) and several other agrarian processed (mainly dairy) goods and packed products (rice, beans) for selling and overing internal consumption (interview 19).
  
  The importance of solving conflicts to enable cooperative collective dynamics was also a key lesson from our experience in ecovillages. Some of them, such as ZEGG and Sieben Linden, master techniques and tools to resolve interpersonal friction in living and working together. In addition, they incorporate strong common visions.
  
  
  Apparently, the use of such techniques and tools is essential to explain how ecovillagers are able to live and work together and persist in tight communities throughout time. It is important to highlight that those techniques and tools operate under principles of experimentation; they bring flexibility at the same time that they create room for learning with trial and error. 
  
  >>> ​6 | Insights to address sustainablity in assentamentos
• 1 media/establishment.png 2016-03-18T11:28:58-07:00 3.4.3 | Phases of Assentamento: Establishment 4 image_header 2016-03-29T18:20:10-07:00 <<< 3.4.2 | Phases of Assentamento: Occupation and Encampment
  
  The next step, an assentamento’s actual establishment, marks the end of what is seen as a long fight “for land”, but represents the beginning of yet another, and perhaps longer, struggle. As described by INCRA’s former president,

  “when people enter the assentamento, their objective of ‘conquering land’ is achieved, but this is not the end, it’s just the beginning of a story with all the contradictions and dialectical processes that we know occur in the implementation of a rural community" [33:27].

  Part of the difficulty of this process consists in working against the potential isolation of the assentamento in relation to its surroundings. Although some assentamentos are located in remote locations, others are established very close to or even within the space of pre-existing rural communities. The acceptance and incorporation of a large number of “newcomers” thus becomes a challenge [33:44, 36:3].
  
   
  As noted before, the formal starting point for the establishment is the issuing of an Ordinance by INCRA and the subsequent creation of a PDA (Assentamento Development Plan). The PDA document specifies development guidelines for the assentamento’s specific case, and includes provisions for building basic infrastructure and stipulations about access to credits. INCRA representatives and assentados work together in drafting the PDA. During this process, assentado families also choose among possible options for agricultural production set forth in studies conducted by INCRA and MST [7:56, 9:75].
   
  In this moment, a critical process takes place: the division of the assentamento land into distinct areas, with different uses and property right structures. In principle, land areas are differentiated in the following categories:
  1. parcels for individual assentado families to live and work on;
  2. parcels for collective enterprises, which may include areas for collective production and processing of agricultural goods, for shared leisure spaces (e.g. soccer fields), or for other collective activities (e.g. an area for a community-meeting building); and
  3. areas dedicated to environmental preservation (e.g. forests, water springs and their surroundings).
  
  Figure 1. Map of Assentamento Dom Tomás Balduíno
   
  Although the formal division of the land is officially “set on paper” by INCRA technicians, the process contemplates the input of the community of assentados, who decide the specific spatial distribution and uses of the different areas [9:72]. In the cases visited for this research, two different general scenarios were found:
  1. Separated/individualized family production and living: each family is located within a separate parcel on which their house is built, and where they produce agrarian goods for self-consumption and eventual commercialization—i.e. each family holds[1], for ‘their’ parcel, legal instruments granting partial property rights, as described above. In this type of scenario, assentado houses are located relatively far away from each other, and collective areas are located in other, usually central or accessible, locations.
  2. Agrovillages: families live in houses that are relatively closer to each other, in an arrangement known as agrovila. Family-specific parcels for agrarian production, as well as collective areas, are located around the agrovila (and people do not live over them). Families hold legal instruments granting partial property rights for the land on which their houses are built and for the land on which they produce.
  Interestingly, agrovillage cases consistently exhibited stronger collective enterprises—such as long-standing cooperatives for production and commercialization of goods—than separated/individualized family production and living cases. This suggests that the spatial distribution of an assentamento and the development of strong collective enterprises are somehow related. One possibility is that spatial distributions have a direct influence in the development of collective enterprises. Another possibility is that assentamentos that choose agrovillage distributions in their establishment phase already have, at that point, conditions favorable to sustained cooperation (such as shared trust or a strong common identity)—and then manage to maintain these conditions in time, thanks to a variety of factors (including the chosen spatial distribution). This was indicated by an interviewee who reported that the “agrovila” arrangement had been decided upon in the encampment phase, when some of the families decided that they would establish a cooperative for agrarian production and commercialization, and that infrastructure (such as water and sanitation) would be easier and cheaper to build and maintain for all if their houses were closer together [19:36].
   
  
  In any of the two types of cases, assentados usually decide among themselves who will get each of the parcels that will be assigned to single-family living or production. Although this is a decision with a high potential of conflict, interviewees reported that consensus was easily achieved, and that in the very few cases in which disagreements arose, they were either resolved among the parties or put to vote in an assembly that heard each party’s arguments and took a decision afterwards that were respected by assentados [9:73]. Apparently, the division performed in collaboration with INCRA employees results in parcels with a distribution of pros and cons that can accommodate assentados’s preferences with relative ease [7:53].
  
   
  Furthermore, when areas are designated for collective agrarian production, assentamentos develop different mechanisms to structure responsibility of labor over them, and these vary intensely between the two types.  In one telling case of an assentamento with separated/individualized family production and living, a relatively small area that had been chosen for joint production was simply informally divided into smaller parcels for individual assentados, who took them as “bits of extra land” to produce their own goods. The quality and quantity of agrarian production were manifestly different across the smaller parcels. This particular assentamento had non-existent collective enterprises, suggesting that conditions for sustained cooperation had not been achieved. 
   
  In contrast, in one agrovillage case, labor in the “collective land” was divided according to family capacity and updated according to performance:

  “So if I we have a family that has a capacity to produce in a certain area, they will have to take care of that, otherwise it will be reduced. If my family is small and I can only take care of a small piece, so I will be assigned just the small piece” [21:13].

  This assentamento exhibited strong collective enterprises in other areas, including a system of participative research in agrarian technologies for producing and processing cocoa, and a collectively-run technical school that had students from different cities of the region.
   
  In both types of cases, an important phenomenon that was consistently reported was the negative effect of the division of parcels for organizing collective initiatives. When the objective of ‘conquering the land’ is achieved and each family receives ‘its own’ parcel, the priority quickly shifts to financially supporting one’s family through production in one’s ‘own’ parcel:

  “in the beginning we all had the collective [initiative] and some profit. In the beginning… before the land was divided. But then I got my parcel, my neighbor got his own, and after the division of the land it was all over. Everyone was left with just her own" [13:14].

  Another interviewee described it thus:

  “You can still mobilize people, but you created that difficulty. That difficulty is real. It’s not that the guy says ‘I abandoned the struggle’. No! Far from that. It’s just that now you have that difficulty that is work. You go there and you get “does it have to be now? I’m here planting, I can’t stop, I can’t leave my tractor here…” [11:57]

  In other words, the pressure of addressing the immediate need to produce and earn income “for one’s own” seems to hinder efforts for building collective initiatives that could be more beneficial to everyone in the long run [9:96].
  
  
  
  >>> 3.4.4 | Phases of Assentamento: Maintenance
   

  ---

  [1] More precisely: “[titles] will be granted to the man or woman, or both, irrespectively of their marital status, in the terms and conditions stipulated by law” (Federal Constitution, Art. 189, §1).