Lewis versus Howat: An Analysis of Labor Rhetoric, Education, and Class Privilege in Early Twentieth Century Mining Politics

Lewis versus Howat

Although John L. Lewis led the notorious 1919 United Miners Strike, the primary source of conflict between he and Alexander Howat began due to Howat's strikes. During World War I and the period immediately following the war Howat led several strikes of Kansas coal miners. These work stoppages moved the Kansas Legislature to pass the Kansas Industrial Relations Act in 1920.The Kansas Industrial Relations Act of 1920 banned strikes, picketing, and the use of boycott in favor of a binding Court of Industrial Relations for the resolution of labor disputes The Industrial Court Law made all disputes between labor and management a matter of negotiation, taking away the right to strike, which was the only way that labors could make employers listen to them.

Howat was a bitter opponent of this new system and in 1921 he led a strike in open defiance of the new industrial court arrangement. When he refused to participate in the proceedings of the industrial court, Howat was arrested. Over the next three years Howat was repeatedly jailed and released. Because of his radical way of thinking and doing things John L. Lewis, President of the United Mine Workers of America and confirmed Republican was very against the more Liberal Alexander Howat. Lewis and the union's Executive Board agreed with mine operators that Howat's support of wildcat strikes had constituted a violation of the union's contract, and Howat and other District 14 leaders were removed in favor of newly appointed officials. The charters of 83 Kansas locals were also revoked by the Executive Board.

Howat and the Kansas situation was brought before the September 1921 annual convention of the UMWA at Indianapolis, Indiana. Following protracted debate, the convention voted to sustain the actions of Lewis and its Executive Board by a vote of 2,753 to 1,781, with the delegations from the Midwestern states of Kansas, Illinois, and Indiana siding with Howat in the minority.
The battle within the UMWA continued in the months after the September 1921 convention, with Kansas miners, supported by the Illinois district organization, continuing their fight against the International union and the Kansas Industrial Court. On October 12, 1921, Lewis replied by invalidating the charter of District 14 entirely, throwing Howat and his associates out in favor of a new but temporary officers who were to reorganize the district. Those miners continuing to strike against Kansas mine operators without permission of the UMWA were force out of the union. Howat's local charter was revoked and union officials maintained that this action had Howat excluded from the union.

At the 1922 annual convention of the UMWA, ​Howat and 125 of his followers forced their way in and Howat forced his way to the platform to speak, but was stopped by Lewis, who declared that since Howat was neither a delegate nor a member of the union, he was not entitled to recognition by the assembly. Anger erupted on the floor and a debate was permitted on whether Howat should be allowed to bring the Kansas situation before the body. More heated debate followed, after which supporters of Howat were narrowly defeated in a roll call vote.

No United Mine Workers convention was held in 1923, the annual gathering being held over until January 1924, when it was convened in Indianapolis. Once again, Howat attempted to unite delegates in opposition of Lewis. Howat combined with left wing union organizer Powers Hapgood in attempting to organize left wing delegates associated with the Communist Party's trade union mass organization, the Trade Union Educational League (TUEL) as well as anti-Lewis conservatives in an effort to depose Lewis.
 Delegate demonstrations in 1924, swarming in the aisles, fist fights, and the copious use of its sergeants-at-arms by the Lewis administration. The biggest of the opposition's demands was a call for the election over the appointment of union organizers, the election of convention committees as a whole rather than appointment, the return of Howat to favor in the union, and reform of the UMWA's election system. Decisions were made by a deeply divided convention.

An attempt by Howat to gain a hearing of his case by the convention was once again ruled out of order by virtue of Howat being neither a delegate nor a union member, although he was allowed the right of making an appeal to the Lewis-controlled Committee on Appeals and Grievances. In desperation Howat attempted to rush the platform to speak, but he was stopped by brawny Lewis supporters and forcefully dragged from the platform.

In 1924, Howat attended the July convention of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party, an organization sponsored and largely controlled by the Communist Party and was elected chairman of the governing National Committee. In 1926 Howat was a supporter of John Brophy in his attempt to remove Lewis as head of the UMWA but failed.

In the aftermath of this defeat William Z. Foster of TUEL attempted to carry on the fight against the Lewis regime in the UMWA through an organized faction called the Save the Union Committee. A preliminary conference to establish this group was called in January 1928, attended by 125 delegates, of whom about 20% were Communist Party members. Brophy accepted a place as chairman of this session, although Howat declined playing a public role in this anti-Lewis opposition movement in the hopes that he would eventually be reinstated to the UMWA. Despite his wariness towards the new radical union, Howat was never readmitted to the UMWA, however, and his trade union career effectively came to an end.
 

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