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• 1 2017-09-18T04:42:36-07:00 Jessica McLaren 42 plain 2017-11-01T02:10:34-07:00 - - reflection
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  The following essay deals with the way in which a group of students experience the Piazza at the University of Pretoria. The sensory element that this essay focuses on is smell. This will be followed by the role of memory in the way the participants experience the space. Additionally the participants walking practices will be examined. Key patterns and themes will be discussed using visuals, voice recordings and photo-elicitations. Lastly the essay will provide a short reflection on the nature and value of this project.
   
  According to Simmel smell is a “dissociating sense” used to divide class, racial, gender and ethnic groups (cited by Boer 2013:972). In recent times the smell of smoke has been stigmatised as stated by Tan (cited by Boer 2013:972) . Majority of the participants mentioned their aversion to the smoke. This is evident in the photograph taken by Chloe which falls under the question "what she dislikes about the Piazza". This photograph reveals that she disliked the smoking in this area as it is not supposed be a place for smoking. Furthermore Calliope said she found the smoke to be "overwhelming".The benches in the Piazza are known for being the smoking hub of the university. The participants agreed that the group of students who sit and smoke on those benches are viewed  as “lazy” individuals who do " not go to class" (Savanna, 2017). The smell of smoke is a “dissociating sense” which creates divisions and distinctions between groups of students at the university.
   
  According to Porteous stigmatisation is not only a result of biological and psychological influences but also cultural and social sensations (cited by Boer 2013:972). Thus the dissociation concerning the smell of smoke may be due to the decline of social acceptance towards smoking.  The health risks of smoking is widely known which leads to the negative stigma attached to the practice. This is evident in the many photographs the participants took of cigarettes and hubbly bubbly . These cigarettes were photographed to demonstrate the parts of the Piazza the participants dislike. Thus, how individuals interpret smells is an outcome of cultural values which are influenced by society.  According to Classen this is a mean for how individuals define and interact with their environment (cited by Boer 2013:973). As a result of this knowledge and the stigma attached to the smoking area, some of the participants avoid the bench area.  
   
  Another area the participants want to avoid is the cafeteria. Majority of the participants find the smell of all the different foods "overwhelming" (Chloe, 2017) .  According to Waskul and Vannini the meaning individuals endow on smells become context dependent and place based (cited by Boer 2013:973) .This is evident in the Piazza where the distinct stench of food is directly associated with the Cafeteria. This is apparent where Molly and Savanna have chosen these photographs of the cafeteria and they have categorised them under odour. This reveals they associate the cafeteria with food smells.  Odours can also manipulate the meaning and experience of a place (Boer 2013:973). As indicated by many of the participants the smell puts them "off of the area" (Chloe,2017). 
   
  A lot of the participates had spent time in the Piazza in first year due to its centrality and convenience. However a large majority of them no longer visit the space. This is due to negative past experience with odours being a key influence. This is evident in Jane's  answer of "why she does not enter the Piazza anymore?" where she answered "it smells". Evidently smell plays an important role in recollections of a place as said by Porteous, Rodaway 1994, Waskul (cited by Boer 2013:974). When asked about a place she dislike on campus Adeline mentioned the food court. She recalls how she would "quickly buy something and leave" due to " the food smells".  Thus the smell played a key role in her recollection. 
  
  Evidently the participants did not only engage with the existing space , they also engaged with their previous memories of how the Piazza looked , smelt  and sounded (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:). Louise and JP reflected on how the place has since changed. JP discussed the change in the appearance of the building and Louise discussed what the space used to look like before the Piazza was built. She also commented on where the previous social hub was in the university before the existence of the Piazza.
   
  Furthermore the participants discussed their presence memories with memories overlaid from the past of the same space. This is evident where Chloe, Adeline and Molly discussed how they used to enjoy the Fego which closed two years ago.They recalled their memories of the Fego which played a central role of how they experienced the Piazza. They used to walk to the Piazza to get food from Fego as the taste of the food was of a high quality.  However since the Fego has closed down they "avoid" the area ( Chloe,2017)
   
  Many of the respondents compared the eating areas in the Piazza to other cafes on campus. These juxtapositions were often comments of judgement (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:). Memories of other cafes on campus prompted judgement about the spaces sensory element. The cafes were seen seen as "less claustrophobic" and the taste of the food was rated as "higher quality" (Adeline,2017). As a result majority of the students disengage from visiting the Piazza's eating areas. They would rather go to other cafes of campus.
   
  Memory also plays a role in routine walking patterns. Participants who have walked through and around the Piazza regularly are almost on ‘autopilot’(Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:).As noted by Savanna she "just follow[s] the path"  and so it is not a conscious decision. Most of the participants have a clearly mapped route of the Piazza which they usually following when entering the space. This is shown where Adeline, Chole and Savanna agreed that they it is “easier to follow the path” in the undercover section (Savanna,2017).  They usually take the same path in the Piazza as they had classes in the "Humanities" ( Chloe, 2017).
   
  Additionally the notion of voyeurism is highlighted here where Adeline says that she feels “everyone is watching” when she walks through the centre of the Piazza. Consequently she prefers following the covered path. Both Molly and Louise also commented on how they “are the subject of observation” (Louise, 2017). Molly feels "surveyed" in the Piazza which is evident in the photograph.This indicates that some higher power is always watching.   However JP and Ophelia usually walk through the centre of the Piazza to reach their destinations. Thus individuals interact with the space differently depending of their perspectives of the area.
   
  Furthermore the sensory environment produces patterns of how people walk (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:). This is apparent in Savannas walking pattern where she avoids the inside area of the Piazza as it is visually unappealing, odorous and “claustrophobic”. She “finds it to be quite dirty” and she dislikes the smell “of food and cigarettes” that surrounds that area. She experiences a negative cross-sensory reaction and so she avoids this space. The Piazzas’ physical and sensory environment produces a multiplicity of patterns of walk (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:). This is shown in Adeline’s walking patterns as she is willing to walk inside the Piazza. However she avoids “the dark and dingy areas” such as the tunnel by the bathroom. She prefers to walk on the pathway next to the FNB “as it is spacious and light”. This reveals the connection of the the building’s design and her sensory experience (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:). 
  
  Adeline, Savanna, Poppy and Louise are all drawn to the grass area as they prefer to be in nature because it is “spacious” (Adeline,2017), “relaxing” (Savanna,2017), “calm” (Poppy, 2017) and “light” (Louise, 2017). JP, Louise and Savanna comment on the contrast of the outside area which “is [a] clean and comfortable space” ( JP, 2017) compared to the inside area which “is all over the place (Savanna,2017).
   
   Whereas Ophelia’s interaction with the Piazza is only when she is “passing through” to get to her destination. Similarly Loretta calls the Piazza her “fly through” as she gets what she needs from the space and then exits the Piazza. She only visits the area if she needs “something to eat”, to “go to the ATM” or to use “the bathroom” (Loretta,2017).  Otherwise she does not use the place for recreational use.
  
  It can be concluded that an individual’s senses influence their experience of a space. It is apparent here that smell plays role in how the participants experienced the Piazza. In the case of the smoking area and food court smell was a dominate sense which negatively influenced the participants perception on those areas. These smells are mediated through cultural and social influences. Furthermore smell plays a key in an individual recollection of a place.  Memory is central to how an individual experiences a place. This is evident in the participants previous and comparative memories. Memory also links to individuals’ walking patterns where they move in and around a space according to their recollection of that space. It is apparent that each individual engages and interacts with the space differently.
  
   
  The urban walker can experience the city beyond its planned logic, yet within its emergent social order, to create personalized experiences of public places and public interaction between other pedestrians (see Demerath and Levinger, 2003; Wolfinger 1995).
   
  In a final conclusion it is evident that senses influences how participants interact and engage with the Piazza.