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VKK 757: Archiving UP's Piazza

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Louise
“It is through the daily smelling, touching, seeing, hearing and tasting that places become known to us, familiar.”

~ Monica Montserrat Degen and Gillian Rose (2012:3276)

1.         Introduction

On Tuesday 10 October 2017, students from the University of Pretoria’s Visual Arts department embarked on a sensory exploration of the Piazza, a communal space, central to student life on campus. Each participant engaged with the space as a flâneur, Baudelaire’s urban stroller (Borer 2013:968), moving across the space and recording the individual multi-sensorial embodiment via photographic and voice recording. Paul Rodaway (Borer 2013:977), suggests that walking is a primary way in which we touch and perceive a place. When moving on foot, one’s whole body comes into contact with the environment. Of the 11 participants in this walk, two confirmed that they were visiting the place for the first time. Nine participants indicated that the Piazza was a space they frequented during the first and second year of their undergraduate studies. Due to reasons such as location, convenience and personal preference regarding the amenities and ambience, most preferred alternative options on campus with some participants, such as Chloe, citing off-campus ATM facilities preferential to those offered by the Piazza.

2.         The Piazza – a sensory exploration

Historically, the Italian Piazza is described by Richard Fusch (1994:424) as “an opening in the city fabric that allows activity in various forms – walking, riding, driving, shopping, socialising, and playing.”. Likewise, the UP Piazza has been structured in a similar manner to provide indoor and outdoor facilities where students can purchase food, socialise, relax, fulfil a number of administrative tasks, but mainly to act as an ‘oasis’ in the centre of campus. The student centre can be accessed via multiple walkways situated on the periphery of the space. This structural phenomenon guides the flow of pedestrian traffic from the outside space into the student centre and food court. The majority of participants preferred to enter the building from these walkways as opposed to walking across the central open court area. Jane stated, “I walk around it, instead of through it.” This sentiment is echoed by Loretta who referred to the walkways as a type of ‘tunnel’, getting you to where you want to be, a means of avoiding the various activations that occur within the space from time to time. She stated, “I don’t want people to pick on me... I prefer not to be seen.” In a comparative study of Milton Keynes, Degen and Rose (2012:3277) found that participants displayed similar routinised patterns of walking. A participant in the Milton Keynes walk Susan observes “You find people walking in synch with each other, so if you want to get across it’s really hard.”
“I experience; therefore I am.” ~ George Simmel
In a sensory twist to the philosophical proposition put forward by René Descartes, George Simmel motivates our investigation of the experiential dimension of social life (Borer 2013:967). Simmel observed that within a city, individuals strive to protect themselves from sensory overload. Simmel views this notion as a necessary adaptation. This “protective organ” that has developed has had a profound effect on how individuals relate to each other, resulting in what Simmel refers to as a “blasé attitude”. When asked the question “Do you like this part of campus?”, JP replied with, “there is nothing good or bad”. According to Simmel this attitude is necessary for individual survival and to maintain social order (Borer 2013:967).

Vision is the predominant means by which we experience our life as “social life” (Krase cited by Borer 2013:970). It is the visual aspects of the space that provide us with clues to the interactions and activities that need to take place. Sight, however, cannot provide a full bodily engagement with a space and define the individual experience. When driving through an urban area for example, reliance on sight alone takes away from the experiential nuances provided by the other senses. In this respect a walk through, such as that conducted within the Piazza, provides one with a more comprehensive sense of place. Although the majority of the participants provided negative feedback regarding the ambience at the Piazza, it was the visual structural elements that received the most positive review. Chloe, Molly and Poppy liked the outside sections of grass which they described as “cooling”, “calming” and “relaxing”. The lines created by the brickwork lead the visitor to the central, circular area which acts as a podium, with a range of possibilities as pointed out by Calliope. On the inside of the student centre, architectural features such as the ceiling also received positive feedback from Poppy, Loretta and Louise, and the radial layout is deemed as the most striking feature by Ophelia. “Seeing” and “being seen” are also attached to a negative connotation of surveillance, and this influenced the manner in which the participants described their utilisation of the Piazza, choosing not to “linger” in the space. Adeline stated that she preferred not to walk through centre of the outdoor area as it felt as if everyone was looking at her.

It is only when the other senses are explored that alternative viewpoints on both the interior and exterior of the Piazza are provided. In terms of the sound experience, the inside of the student centre and food court are described by many as loud, noisy and chaotic however visitors seem to spend time both inside and outside working or socialising. Noticeably the “protective organ” as posited by Simmel, is deployed in the form of personal music players. This is a strategy that enables the visitor to retreat to a privatised world by “tuning out” or “sounding out” (Borer 2013:972). The keynote sounds within the food court consist of voices, laughter, movement of cutlery and crockery. The constant noise is punctuated by soundmarks, such as the calling out of orders, from the many fast food outlets available.

The sense of smell and odour featured predominantly as an influencer in the manner in which the space is used. In general, participants preferred the grassy area outdoors, to the inside of the student centre due to the “overwhelming” odour of the cooking process, food and the cigarette smoke prevalent in the benched area adjacent to the building. Simmel (Borer 2013:972) views the sense of smell as a “disassociating” sense and results in the stigmatisation of certain practices such as smoking. This notion came to the fore during the subsequent photo elicitation in which Savanna mentioned that the area is associated with the “lazy people” who “smoke, play cards, chill and don’t go to class”. The sense of taste also featured as a means of division between those who frequented the food court at the Piazza and those who preferred to buy food elsewhere on campus. The notion of taste suggests a social class distinction whereby “taste classifies, and it classifies the classifier” (Bourdieu cited by Borer 2013:975). Borer (2013:975) is of the opinion that our tastes are not individual but a result of socialisation and re-socialisation according to a particular context. Poppy claimed that when one compares the donuts, for example, to “other” donuts they are “not that appealing” and Savanna supported this opinion in her observation, “Now it sounds like I’m being a snob but I’d rather go to Tribeca or Aloha.”.
“There is no perception which is not full of memories.”
~ Henri Bergson
Memories can result in comparisons between specific aspects of two places. Judgements are made when comparing the sensory qualities of each (Degen & Rose 2012:3281). The majority of participants who frequented the Piazza, during the first and second year of their undergraduate studies, now preferred to make use of alternative facilities on campus due to what is perceived as an improved sensory experience to that which is offered by the Piazza. The two participants that visited the Piazza for the first time experienced the place somewhat differently. Louise commented on the positive aspects the Piazza had to offer, such as an opportunity to engage with other students and collaborate on projects in an informal manner. Chloe viewed the external central area as a “blank canvas”, an opportune area on which activations could occur, not as a place to be avoided as indicated by the other participants.

3.         Conclusion

The way in which we engage with a space on a sensory level is influenced to a large degree by our perceptual memory. This project provided significant evidence of this as the majority of participants provided similar feedback in terms of their sensory embodiment of the space. Memories associated with alternative facilities on campus served as a basis for comparison and categorising the Piazza as the loud, noisy and chaotic “other”. The process of photo documentation and elicitation provided first-hand and individual feedback regarding the multi-sensorial embodiment of this space. Besides the verbal feedback received during the elicitation session, the use of photography also provides other clues in terms of the participants’ individual engagement with the space. What is interesting is that few participants chose to frame areas with a close shot which suggests a disassociation from the space. However, the use of a camera encouraged participants to notice structural details that had gone unnoticed on prior visits such as the image of the surveillance camera captured by Molly and the ceiling detail captured by Louise. As the group of participants are quite homogenous in terms of culture, interests and age, the feedback was very similar in terms of the majority of sensory experiences. It would be interesting to repeat the process with a heterogenous group of randomly selected and willing participants on campus. The value of such a project on a larger scale, within an urban area, would be crucial in terms of the design and expansion considerations of urban planning that often places too much emphasis on the purely visual and aesthetic elements within a space and ignores the culturally diverse sensorial aspects.

4.         Bibliography

Borer, M.I. 2013. Being in the city: The sociology of urban experiences. Sociology Compass, 7(11):965-983.

Degen, M.M. & Rose, G. 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: The role of walking and perceptual memory. Urban Studies, 49(15):3271-3287.

Fusch, R. 1994. The piazza in Italian urban morphology. Geographical Review:424-438.
Molly The following essay is a reflection on the data gathered from the participatory archive. The data collected is based on a group of honours students and their sensory experience of the Piazza at the University of Pretoria. The students were asked questions pertaining to this space and gathered their research by responding through voice recordings and photographs which they then uploaded onto the online academic platform, Scalar. The essay not only explores the visual aesthetic of the space but primarily the sounds, the smells, the touch and even tastes that emerged in the data analysis. The way in which the students walked in and around the Piazza and their bodily mobility is analysed because walking is a way in which one establishes new meanings and experiences of a space (Borer 2013:977). According to Degen and Rose (2012:6) sensory experiences are intertwined with memories which mediates certain experiences in different ways. Therefore, a section of this reflection will investigate the senses that evoked particular memories for the students.

The Piazza officially opened in 1995 as a student oriented space which provides various activities such as the ones mentioned by Molly (2017). Louise (2017) stated that before the Piazza was built, she recalls that there was a busy road that divided the campus. This was her own memory of the space where Degen and Rose (2012:18) state that many people often rely on their memories in order to make sense of a specific space where they either compare it to a different space, how that space has changed or it looked like previously. Both Poppy and JP (2017) describe the space as an “oasis” supported by images of palm trees, jacaranda trees and green grass. The jacaranda buds on the ground in the Piazza evoke a memory of getting stung by a bee for Savanna (2017). Memories influence ones perception of a space, this was a bad memory for Savanna (2017) therefore her experience of the space could result in a negative one (Degen & Rose 2012). One could assume that this evoked a tactile sense, and automatically reflected back to a bad memory.

There was very negative feedback regarding the student’s sensorial experience of the Piazza that is conveyed through the voice recordings, the imagery and the photo elicitation discussions. Multiple students, such as Chloe (2012) and Jane (2017), state that the Piazza was dirty and several students presented images of litter and rubbish.

The participants senses were evoked predominantly inside the Piazza and when entering the food court. Both JP (2017) and Adeline (2017) state that they felt claustrophobic in the food court and that the smells of all the different foods were overwhelming. Calliope (2017) even describes the smell of tomato sauce that seemed to bother her sense of smell. A few of the students mention the smell of smoke especially by the benches which influenced a negative perception and experience of the space. The smell of the cigarette and hubbly smoke contributes to the idea of dirtiness and “griminess” (Adeline 2017) in the space. Predominantly, the odour and sense of smell influenced the way in which the space utilized and experienced by the students. According to Borer (2013:972) odours are constructed by cultural values "and employed by societies as means" of defining and interacting with the world. Borer (2013:972) refers to Simmel (1997a, 119) who argues that the sense of smell is a "dissociating sense" in order to create a division between classes, races, ethnic groups and genders. He discusses the "stigmatization" (Borer 2013:972) of odours such as smoking and how it too creates division in the space.

The inside of the Piazza was very noisy, according to the students, which disrupted and bothered them. The food court was especially noisy due to the high ceilings and the emptiness upstairs which created an echo contributing to the loud buzz in the space. According to Borer (2013:971), when people label a space as "noisy", the space is usually regulated by authorities which is supported by the photograph of the surveillance camera. "Noise" (Borer 2013:971) is considered a major problem suggesting agitation and annoyance in the space. The empty space above the food court up the stairs was extremely dusty and one literally gets the sensation of feeling dirty themselves.

The body has become a necessary tool for interpretation (Borer 2013:976). Not only is the body a "physical mechanism for engaging"(Borer 2013:976) with the sensuousness of the space, the body also functions as a form of communication for different impressions and interpretations (Borer 2013:976). The texture of the grass was explored in the photo elicitation discussions where Chloe described the grass as “prickly” when she kneeled down to take a photograph. Ophelia also discusses the textures of the stones on the ground all over campus. She describes the texture as “ruggered as well as very smooth”. Due to the time of year, the grass is green and luscious according to Molly and invites students to sit on it instead of the benches which are described as smelling like smoke.

Borer (2013:974) explores the experience of taste in the experience of a urban space. He states that food and drink is an “important characteristics of urban cultures because taste” is used in order to identify “particular urban locales” and that taste has the ability to make personal and private connections to the material world. Therefore ones impression of the food sold in the Piazza contributes to our experience and perception of it. During the photo elicitations a student mentioned that their coffee was revolting and because it was one of the first senses that was evoked during this experience, the rest of her experience in the space was disappointing and negative. Savanna and Loretta Brown compare the food sold at the Piazza to the food sold at Tribecca and Aloha, stating that the quality of food at the piazza is worse than the food sold at Aloha or Tribecca. I have had my own personal experience of the food sold in the Piazza which resulted in a very negative perception of the space and never wanting to purchase food from there ever again.

The basic bodily movement of the participants walk through the piazza is also striking when analyzing the data. A few of the students felt like they were constantly being looked at which changed the way they presented themselves. Students such as Jane and Loretta Brown described how they would prefer to walk around the Piazza instead of straight through it. A few students mentioned how they walk through the Piazza to get to class either at a fast pace if they are late for a class or a normal to slow pace. Degen and Rose (2012:14) explore the practice of walking through and around a space and how all "the senses are integrated by the way the living body moves (Degen & Rose 2012:14).

The nature of this project is valuable because it allows one to experience a space as an embodied one, instead of just analysing it with regards to the physical appearance and design of the space. This project introduces a completely new and interesting way of researching. All of our sensorial experiences contribute to our perception of a space and forms the idea of whether we like the environment or not. I have come to realise that people would do anything to avoid certain odours and a noisy environment even if it means that they have to walk an extra few metres or even drive around to avoid it. Through the analysis of the data, it is evident that the students of the University of Pretoria, experience the Piazza as an embodied and sensual one, namely through walking practices, their multisensorial engagement with the space and the senses that evoke particular memories.

Borer, M.I. 2013. Being in the City: The Sociology of Urban Experiences. Sociology Compass, 7(11):965-983.

Degen, M.M. & Rose, G. 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: the role of walking and perceptual memory. Urban Studies, 49(15):3271-3287.

Simmel, G. 1997a. Sociology of the Senses: Selected Writings. Sage Publications: London.
Poppy The following document discusses the ways in which students at the University of Pretoria experience the University’s Piazza through the different sensory and embodied engagements of each person. Not only does it draw on the five senses (smell, sight, feel, taste and hear) as a way of explaining the experiences that each person may encounter but it also emphasizes the role that memory plays when a person recalls previous memories of this specific environment. It discovers the nature and value of this project through the different ways in which each person experiences and perceives the same environment.

In their 2012 document, Degen & Rose state that the framework of any piece of work “is regarded as a tool” that can make the piece of work “more attractive to more people by changing its ‘feel’” (Degen & Rose, 2012). This statement is what this document is based upon; the idea that the framework of a space or piece of work can influence the way people perceive it to be, whether it is more open and welcoming or rather enclosed and almost claustrophobic. In addition to that, “a new emergent modern consciousness” is emphasized by the “overwhelming sensorial stimulation” and “fast-paced encounters with strangers” (Borer, 2013). This creates the base as to why many students may feel trapped within a space where there are many strangers paired with unfamiliar and almost unwanted smells and sights.

Building off of this statement, the first major trend that was discovered through the discussions by the students was that although many of them utilized the Piazza in their first couple of years as students at the university, they no longer spend as much time here. Bringing in this example of memory and how one recalls fond times spent in this area but it’s not enough to make them want to spend more time here in their present day lives. This area is predominantly used as a thoroughfare for students to get to where they need to be in a shorter period of time or as a one-stop for places like the ATMs or the loans and rentals offices. This is due to the fact that the same amenities that are found in the Piazza, can also be found on other parts of campus that are “much closer to” class venues (Chloe, 2017).

Throughout the discussions and experiences of the Piazza there were multiple accounts from the students in this study that stated how the Piazza inside had an almost claustrophobic feel to it and they “found it to be quite closed off” (Calliope, 2017). This feeling of being trapped within the cafeteria of the Piazza is paired with a “strong stench of a lot of flavors of fast food” (Adeline, 2017) creates a pattern from almost all of the researchers where the smells, which are overwhelming, and the overcrowded and enclosed spaces actually end up chasing students away rather than drawing them in. This idea that the cafeteria within the Piazza being omni-sensorial (invoking all sense at one time) could provide the discovery as to why students feel claustrophobic. The smells of the different foods, paired with the sight of many strangers, along with the feeling of not much natural light and the multiple different sounds (and also possibly the tastes one might have when eating or drinking something in this environment) can overload one individual and make them almost afraid of this space. It’s not only the cafeteria that the students appear to be averse to but also the dark corridors and spaces that surround the area, this makes the space feel ominous and almost overbearing. A way to possibly rectify this would be to change the framework of the building slightly to make it more aerated and allow more natural light to flow into the darker spaces.

In addition to the smells of multiple foods which can create an unwelcoming atmosphere, there are also other smells of smoke (from both cigarettes and hubblys) which are very off-putting for non-smokers and even possibly smokers as well. (Borer, 2013) states that the smell of smoke has been stigmatized in such a way that when people are exposed to it, they become opposed to the area wherein the smell is emerging from. As stated by Simmel (1971, 325) in (Borer, 2013), when a person is placed in a sensory overloading area, the “individuals must protect themselves” (Borer, 2013) which provides the reasoning as to why many students feel averse to this area. The pairing of fast food and smoke creates an environment of a “dirty and grimey” (Chloe, 2017) and “not very clean” (Jane, 2017) area which is not very student friendly. This Piazza was designed as a gathering point for students to socialize and eat during breaks between classes and studies and there is a recurring trend in the discoveries made by the students in this study that they do not particularly enjoy the area and would rather choose to be elsewhere on campus where it is more spacious, open and not so overwhelmed by unwanted smells.

On the opposite side of the spectrum, there are areas outside of the building itself however still encapsulated by the Piazza such as the grass areas and the amphitheater. There is a definite pattern in the discussions where the geometrical design features running from the grounds around the piazza to the concrete raised center is spoken about. This design feature is admired by many and can be described as being the specific focal point where the exact centre of campus appears to be, it almost seems as if these lines connect the entire TUKS main campus up to this one point, creating a sense of unity and making the entire campus feel a lot more connected.

The Piazza as a whole brings out these ideals of “diversity” (Molly, 2017) of the different people on campus and how they are all able to “collaborate” (Louise, 2017) in one space. This “oasis” (Poppy, 2017) houses not only some amenities that students may find themselves needing but also a space for relaxation and detachment from the everyday stresses of achieving the goals set out by society. This space is said to be “very peaceful and very beautiful when there aren’t huge crowds of people” (Molly, 2017) which reiterates how it can be viewed as an oasis for each student who chooses to spend their free time here.

Taking all of the above mentioned into consideration, it can be concluded that although the Piazza does have its positive points which are sensory advantageous to students (in that they can relax and feel detached from studies), it has some very negative places. These can definitely be improved upon by the university to take this space into the next level where students choose to come to this space not only in their off time between classes or studies but just to socialize in general.
Bibliography
Borer, M. I., 2013. Being in the City: The Sociology of Urban Experiences. Sociology Compass, pp. 965-983.

Brunel University London, n.d. Sensory Cities Think-Kit. [Online]
Available at: http://sensorythinktank.com/
[Accessed 1 11 2017].

Degen, M. M. & Rose, G., 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: the role of walking and perceptual memory.. Urban Studies, 49(15), pp. 3271-3287.