The Strategic Formation of Modern International Alliances
In terms of diplomatic relations, Haiti formally recognized Taiwan in 1956, and the two recently the 65th anniversary of their relationship in 2021 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC). As one part of their relationship, Taiwan established an embassy in Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, and Haiti has an embassy in Taiwan’s capital, Taipei. Additionally, the two engage in frequent exchanges, in-person and now virtually as well, with each other’s presidents as well as appointed ambassadors (Chen and Dou). Over the years, these interactions help to facilitate the process of establishing norms as well signaling to world Taiwan’s legitimacy and strength. On Haiti’s end, while it benefits from the aid that comes with the diplomatic ties, its ties with Taiwan in addition to simply being situated in the Latin American region help to draw international attention towards Haiti, especially the global power of China. As historically evident, the Latin American region appeals to political, defensive, and economic interests, thus it is important to global powers to secure their relations to states of the region. As of 2022, 9 out of 15 countries in the Latin America-Caribbean (LAC) region formally recognize Taiwan (Ward). Because of its One-China Policy, its firm policy places a strain on China’s ability to secure relations in the region, thus prompting efforts to get states to sever ties with Taiwan and shift to China. Given that, Haiti becomes an important chess piece of the region, and its current ties with Taiwan increase its bargaining power when it comes to negotiating a potential relationship with China, of whom has much to offer in terms of financial, political, and intellectual aid. All in all, though Taiwan-Hatian relations may be uncertain in the far future, the current diplomatic relations yield great benefits to both parties and strengthen their respective positionalities in the global realm.
In another aspect, as Taiwan leads in the global tech industry, it is able to offer much financial support to Haiti, the most impoverished nation in the Western Hemisphere (World Bank). Globally, Taiwan is “the U.S.’s 11th-largest trading partner, the world’s 22nd-largest economy, and a crucial link in Silicon Valley’s supply chain” (Horton). Clearly, Taiwan serves as a powerful resource and supply for power, profit, and technological advancement. As for Haiti, however, it is Taiwan’s financial power that they share with Haiti. Most recently, under President Tsai Ing-Wen, Taiwan presented Haiti with a “$150 million loan package for Haiti’s infrastructure” (Ward). In previous years, Haiti also received loans and aid, especially in times of environmental and financial crises. While Haiti gets support in (re)building itself, Taiwan also benefits immensely from its actions. First and foremost, the aid sustains the diplomatic relationship between Taiwan and Haiti, and it fosters a strong, positive relationship between the two. Secondly, it advances Taiwan’s larger strategic plan to participate in the international realm. As laid out in its “New Southbound Policy,” Taiwan’s participation in the international realm seeks to establish and promote “economic and trade cooperation, talent cultivation, regional links, and resource sharing,” goals of which similarly apply to its relationships with Haiti and the larger LAC region (Republic of China, Taiwan). Furthermore, the relationship opens opportunities for other forms of interaction, such as in the global business sector, which benefits both parties in the long-term yet again. Altogether, the financial relationship offers long-term benefits in terms of development, financial well-being, and overall strength. Lastly, the COVID-19 global pandemic presented itself as a unique opportunity to pursue medical diplomacy to care for and uplift one another through international cooperation. As mentioned before, it is important to highlight that the World Health Organization excludes Taiwan from direct participation. However, its capabilities and access to resources, technology, and intelligence have allowed Taiwan to construct its own strong, successful public health model to combat disease and health concerns at home and beyond. As expressed formally in its strategic plan for foreign affairs, “humanitarian aid and disease control” is just one of the many strengths of Taiwan, citing its “[active participation] in international efforts to tackle climate change, terrorism, and transnational crime” as other examples of their strong capabilities and firm commitment to international cooperation (ROC). On the other hand, Haiti continues to struggle with organization and distribution of resources during crises, especially on top of existing struggles to recover from previous environmental, financial, and political crises. Thus, in addition to its needs, the case of Haiti also allows for Taiwan to expand its “global campaign” in leading in emergency responding and preparedness (Ward). In addition to existing forms of aid to assist Haiti with development as a whole in the short-term and long-term, Taiwan sent material aid and intelligence to support Haiti with COVID-19 in particular. This included “1,000 tons of rice, seven thermal cameras, new ambulances, and over 280,000 face masks” and meetings sharing critical information about “[setting] widespread sanitation and disinfectant campaigns in Haiti’s most densely populated areas while offering videoconferencing lessons from its best hospitals and doctors” (Ward). Overall, both parties greatly benefited from this exchange of support.