The Development of Group Identity and its Influence in Shaping a New Democratic State: Taiwan
In comparing the experiences between Haiti and Taiwan, it is also important to note that the process of the construction of group identity occurred in different historical eras. Not only has Taiwan experienced fewer years of collective history, but its developments occur in the modern era, which has altered the form of primary sources as well as the distribution of such documentation. So, while the February 28th incident was a core turning point in their history, recent pressures from China have motivated individuals to share their personal experiences on the internet, sparking transnational levels of dialogue and facilitating the further solidification of the Taiwanese identity. For example, the following videos describe the experiences of discrimination against Taiwan and the Taiwanese by Chinese power. On one hand, Yu highlights her personal experiences and observations of community experiences with the shaming of Taiwanese identity in the critical social realms, such as through daily interactions, the public space, and the workspace. As a result, not only were there direct barriers to Taiwanese individualism, representation, and socio-political participation, but these forces had deep, long-term implications on the sense of belonging and power to the current and future generations of Tawainese peoples. She goes so far to reference Stockholm Syndrome to describe China’s behaviors toward and relationship to Taiwan (Yu). Similarly, the interview of Ken Young and Kylie Wang echoes the sentiments and experiences mentioned by Yu but further highlights those experiences as a core component to why they are proud to be Taiwanese and, most importantly, distinctive from the Chinese (AFP News Agency). Overall, the process of internationalization of these differences and experiences coupled with external enforcements created a strong, clear sense of modern Taiwanese identity. Rooted in these sentiments, identifying as Taiwanese is a direct resistance and challenge to the oppressive, dominant power of China.
Check out Iris Yu's "Taiwanese Identity: Who We Are is Beyond Politics." Additional, the AFP interview mentioned is unavailable to view on this site - please visit following link to view "'China will not own us': Taiwanese embrace distinct identity."
With the strong, unified sense of identity and values, these dynamics naturally have bled into activities in the socio-political realm. To ensure a fair comparison of political participation and civil society, the following aspects and analysis will mirror that of Haiti’s section as closely as possible, the greatest limitation being that recognition of Taiwan’s status as an independent state hinders data collection, oftentimes Taiwan’s data getting absorbed into the statistics of China. In 2022, Taiwan scored a total score of 94/100 as determined by Freedom House, sustaining its rating from previous years (source). Disaggregating this number, Taiwan scored 38/40 with respect to its political rights and a 56/60 with respect to its civil liberties. Similar to the analysis of Haiti, the following details come from the 2021 report because the 2022 report has yet to be fully released. The 2021 report highlights the successes of the recent 2020 democratic election. First and foremost, the election of President Tsai Ing-wen marked “the highest voter turnout since 2008.” In fact, data collected by V-Dem display a significant increase in voter registration in the past 50 years (source). When connecting these two trends together, the data reveals Taiwan’s limited barriers to entry to political participation, resulting in high levels of voter engagement and political representation. Secondly, her election represented a smooth transition of power, garnering recognition by the people as well as international actors. These significant attributes of the election signal credibility and stability of Taiwan, a stark contrast from Haiti’s struggle for political stability.
On a more micro-level, the protection of rights and identities as laid out by the ROC Constitution provide citizens of Taiwan a sense of security and empowerment. For example, Taiwanese law guarantee citizens of Taiwan “regardless of gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, or gender identity,” and the social and institutional systems actively and consistently ensure such rights to participation and representation (Freedom House). Notably, while the relationship between race, economic status, and power does not operate nor exist the way that they do in Haiti, Taiwan’s strong economy and historical agency in its financial affairs has allowed it to develop strong systems and infrastructure in Taiwan promote greater integration of its members of society versus the deep-rooted dynamics of exclusion in Haiti. Hence, there is a clear and strong level of trust between the citizens of Taiwan and the state itself. Altogether, the recent developments represent a stable, healthy Taiwanese society, a result of greater opportunities and access to power compared to Haiti’s history.