Gleaning from the Archives of the Pensionado Story

Genesis of the Pensionado Program

The Schurman Commission[1] to the Philippines, appointed by President Mckinley in 1899, found that the only educational advantages attainable by the common people of the Archipelago were those afforded by the primary schools. Moreover, the “wretchedly inadequate provision” that there should be two primary school teachers (one male and one female) for each 5000 inhabitants was never carried out.[2] The only official institution for secondary education in the Islands was the College of San Juan de Letran, which was administered by the Dominican Friars, Manila. It had two normal schools, one for the education male and the other for the education of female teachers.[3] Although a School of Arts and Trades, a School of Agriculture, a Nautical School, a School of Painting and Sculpture,[4] a Military Academy, and several theological seminaries were found to be still in operation in 1900, the only remaining institutions for higher learning were the Royal and Pontifical University of Santo Tomas, and the Royal College of San Jose.[5] “In old days,” wrote the Commissioners,  “it was not altogether safe for a native to avail himself fully of the educational facilities theoretically afforded him at the institutions within the Archipelago, and if he went abroad to pursue his studies he was a marked man after his return.[6] This fact was strikingly illustrated in the case of Dr. Jose Rizal, who was eventually executed without cause. His fate has been shared by many other prominent Filipinos in the past.”[7]
            In view of these facts, the Commission concluded, it had to be admitted that the average native had never had a fair opportunity to show what he could do. On the contrary, the Commission was disposed “to credit him with ability of no mean order” and to recommend that the government to be established for the Philippines should promptly provide for the establishment of “an adequate system of secularized and free public schools.”[8]
            Under the American Military Government of the Philippines (1898-1901), military officers were used to open as many schools as possible, but the schools that were established were poor and there was no attempt at gradation of pupils. The Filipinos were reported eager to learn English, but outside of Manila very little instruction in that language was given.[9]
            In Iloilo, for example, the military authorities, before opening the schools, took a census of the children of school age, and in order to “feel the pulse” of the public on the subject they questioned the parents as to whether they would send their children to the public schools when opened.

            The reply, wrote Brigadier General R.P. Hughes, very generally came in the form of a query:— “Are you going to have English taught?” On being answered in the affirmative they said their children would be sent. But the difficulty in getting teachers of English for the Visayan Department is simply insurmountable. I have made efforts in every direction that promised results and it is with great personal regret that I have to acknowledge myself beaten.[10]

            The diversity of the native dialect[11] and the fact that the majority of the inhabitants did not understand Spanish[12] caused the Taft Commission to the Philippines, in its 1901 report, to make the following observations under the heading, “Sending Students to America:”                  

It is recognized by the more intelligent persons in the different parts of the archipelago that the quickest and surest way for Filipino youth to acquire the English language and to arrive at an understanding of the Western Civilization as it exists in America is to live among Americans in the United States and be taught in American schools. Acting on this knowledge, many parents have already enrolled their sons in American schools, and in certain provinces, the several towns are making provisions to send and maintain a boy in some school in the United States.
Many propositions have already been made, both by persons in America and by persons in the Philippines, looking to the use of the funds of the insular government for this purpose. Hitherto, however, it has been considered expedient to allow individual and local zeal to carry on the works; yet the commission is aware of the immense advantage which will accrue to these islands by the extension of this practice. In no other way can young Filipinos, whose ancestors have been physically and intellectually removed from contact with modern life, acquire a thorough knowledge of Western civilization.[13] When, therefore, the public schools are thoroughly organized, it may be good to hold out the privilege of some years of residence in an American institution of learning as a reward for extraordinary achievements on the part of some of the most proficient pupils in the public school of the islands.[14]

           
            The Commission’s report of the following year again stressed the “great need of properly trained Filipino teachers” and the “paramount importance (of) the problem of securing them.” The normal school of Manila,[15] the provincial schools, and the normal institutes in several districts were occupied in preparing Filipinos for work in the public schools, but in addition, the Commission recommended:

It would be well for the government to undertake to send to America and maintain in certain normal schools there a considerable number of Filipinos who give evidence of good ability and the other qualifications requisite for a teacher. The academic subjects in which they might receive instruction in America can very well  be taught in the Philippines, but, in addition to this formal instruction, it is impossible to provide her a substitute for the object lessons in American civilizations which they will receive in spending three or four years in different parts of the United States. The most valuable lessons of civilization can not be taught by precept, but only by example. There will be no difficulty in obtaining free tuition in the schools of the required standing, so that the expense to be borne by the government would be confined to the  transportations and maintenance of the students for the time being. The services which these young persons would render on their return furnish ample justification for the expenditure on the part of the insular government. [16]

            The educational authorities in the Philippines had, in fact, from the beginning of the civil government, determined upon a plan to send students from the Philippines for their education and even “complete Americanization.”[17]
In the fall of 1902, the members of the Federal Party petitioned the Philippine Commission to enact legislation providing for the sending of a hundred students to the United States, at the expense of the Philippine government,[18] for education in academic and special professional branches. A bill was accordingly prepared by Dr. Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino member of the Commission. While his bill was pending before the Commission, Dr. Tavera entered into correspondence with a number of United States institutions of learning, but since he was not fluent in English he availed himself of the services of William Alex Sutherland. Mr. Sutherland, who was to become the most important individual to be connected with the early period of the pensionado movement, was at that time a translator in the office of the Executive Secretary and formerly an instructor in Spanish at the University of New Mexico.[19] As a result of his correspondence, the conditions upon which Filipino students would be admitted, the terms for tuition and other expenses, the scope of curricula, and the adaptability of the schools to the Philippine government’s purposes were all accurately determined. In this manner there also was determined, “almost unconsciously, the spirit with which these students would be received by the faculties and school authorities, and by reflection also the manner in which the members of the Student bodies of the respective schools would receive the Filipinos.”[20]
            In the meanwhile, considerable interest in the proposals to provide for the education of Filipinos in the United States had been around in this country, as shown in the press and by suggestions submitted by representatives of important educational and eleemosynary [21] groups to officials of the United States Government. William H. Brearley, the corresponding secretary of the New York Baptist Mission Society, in a letter to President Mckinley, suggested that 100 Filipino boys be brought to the States for a year’s education, the expense of which (estimated at 150 USD for each boy, exclusive of transportation!) was to be raised by popular subscription.[22] It was proposed that these boys should live in private homes, but that not more than one should be placed in any one town. [23] Indicative of the interest of the general public is the letter of a citizen of La crosse, Wisconsin, who wrote the President that he would be “willing” to develop patriotism among the Filipinos by teaching them popular songs. This letter was referred by the President (through the War Department) to the Civil Governor of the Philippines.[24]
            The agency of the Federal Government that at that time exercised supervision over the civil affairs of the Philippine Islands was the Bureau of Insular Affairs of the War Department.[25] Its chief, Colonel Clarence R. Edwards realized that if large numbers of government-supported Filipino students were sent to the United States the Bureau of Insular Affairs would be responsible ultimately for their progress and welfare. Colonel Edwards undertook therefore, the assembling of such facts as would enable him satisfactorily to perform such functions, and for this purpose solicited the advice of many experienced educators. In this connection the interest and help of Professor James T. Young, instructor in the government of colonies and dependencies at the University of Pennsylvania, may be mentioned. In response to Edwards’ request for his views on the matter of bringing the Filipinos to this country “under an agreement whereby they could be placed in desirable homes throughout the entire country and attend the public schools.”[26] Professor Young replied by referring to the “remarkable” work done along similar lines by the Department of Education in Puerto Rico. He had (he wrote) just had a long conference with Dr. Brumbaugh, who inaugurated the Puerto Rican plan, and had learned that the three distinct groups of students had been sent to the United States, including about forty-five at Carlisle Indian Training School,[27] about 150 under private auspices, and a small number supported by an appropriation of Puerto Rican government. Yet another group was composed of twenty girls and boys turned over to Booker Washington and distributed by him to various colored institutions in the South. The results of all these experiments convinced Professor Young that younger children were the most successful. “There is one very important point which I feel should be carefully regarded by the Philippine Commission,” he wrote Edwards. “The children should be sent at an early age; in fact as soon as they can safely be allowed to leave their parents. Of course they mature much earlier than our own boys and girls and therefore it would be safe to send them to America at the age of twelve, selecting for education in American preparatory schools only the best and most steady of the older boys.”[28]
            In the spring of 1903 Colonel Edwards [4]  went to St. Louis to look over the grounds that had been assigned the Philippine government for the great exposition of the following year. Traveling on the “diplomatic train,” the Colonel had many opportunities to talk with representatives of the various foreign governments, especially the Chinese Minister, who told him what great good had come of the sending by the Chinese government of students to the United States. “Naturally the first crop was so progressive,” Edwards wrote to Young, “that most of their heads were cut off,[29] but the last experience China has gone through has suggested to the Government the wisdom of again inaugurating the system, and he brought over some sixty Chinese children that are being placed in various minor institutions, and the Minister tells me that the Government proposes to appropriate a considerable amount for this purpose every year.”[30]
            It is not intended in this study to unduly emphasize the part played by James T. Young in the movement to educate Filipino youth in the United States, but merely to offer him as an example of the many American educators who from the beginning interested themselves in the movement. Young’s own attitude toward his achievement in this respect is well illustrated in an incident that occurred after the Philippine government had made provisions for the education of some of its youth in the country. When a reporter of the Philadelphia North American called at his home with the proof-sheet of a story announcing that “through the instrumentality of Dr. James T. Young…100 Filipino youths are to receive the advantages of an American education,” Young immediately wrote Colonel Edwards that he was “completely mystified” as to how he became the hero so circumstantially described in the story, as he had done no more than discuss the plan with officers of the Puerto Rican Department of Education.[31] “I am afraid you are too modest,” Edwards replied; “—your suggestions to me have been of value in presenting this proposition to the Philippine authorities, and if the plan accomplishes what we all hope it will be thanks enough for all.”[32]
            One of the more feasible proposals for education of Filipinos in this country was submitted to the War Department by Lieutenant Colonel R.H. Pratt, superintendent of the Indian Training School at Carlisle [33] Pennsylvania. Pratt referred to the fact that he had begun to accept Puerto Ricans at Carlisle in 1899. “Nearly all,” he wrote, “have been fed out from the school into our general school system in the same manner as we have always pushed out our Indian pupils.”[34] Commenting on this proposal, and the proposal that the Filipinos be sent to educational institutions for negroes, Colonel Eddwards wrote as follows to Professor Young:

Personally, I do not believe it is wise to send Filipinos to Booker Washington’s institution or to the Carlisle Indian School any more than I would send white children there. The good that has grown out of the experiment in Puerto Rico of sending them to Carlisle School is all due, I fancy, to Colonel Pratt, who has seen that they were properly placed in families and have the advantage of school.[35]

            On the other hand, Colonel Edwards secured the cooperation of the Civil Service Commission in making arrangements “for a number of colleges and schools through-out the United States to give free scholarships to Filipino lads, the expenses of whose transportation and maintenance could be borne outside of the schools or colleges….”[36]

 
[1] On January 20, 1899, President McKinley appointed the First Philippine Commission (the Schurman Commission), a five-person group headed by Dr. Jacob Schurman, president of Cornell University, and including Admiral Dewey and General Otis, to investigate conditions in the islands and make recommendations. In the report that they issued to the president the following year, the commissioners acknowledged Filipino aspirations for independence; they declared, however, that the Philippines was not ready for it. Specific recommendations included the establishment of civilian government as rapidly as possible (the American chief executive in the islands at that time was the military governor), including establishment of a bicameral legislature, autonomous governments on the provincial and municipal levels, and a system of free public elementary schools.
[2] Report of the Philippine Commission to the President (2 vols.; Washington: Government Printing Office, 1900), I, 17. The Educational Decree of 1863 provided a free public education system in the Philippines, managed by the government. The decree mandated the establishment of at least one primary school for boys and one for girls in each town under the responsibility of the municipal government, and the establishment of a normal school for male teachers under the supervision of the Jesuits. See, Estioko SVD, Leonardo (1994). History of Education: A Filipino Perspective. LOGOS Publications, Inc. pp. 163–200. Primary education was also declared free and available to every Filipino, regardless of race or social class. Contrary to what the propaganda of the Spanish–American War tried to depict, they were not religious schools; rather, they are schools that were established, supported, and maintained by the Spanish government. See, Quezon, Manuel Luis (1915), "Escuelas públicas durante el régimen español" [Public schools during the Spanish regime], Philippine Assembly, Third Legislature, Third Session, Document No.4042-A 87 Speeches of Honorable Manuel L. Quezon, Philippine Resident Commissioner, delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States during the discussion of Jones Bill, 26 September – 14 October 1914]
[3] Ibid., 35-37.
[4] The Academia de Dibujo y Pintura (English: Academy of Drawing and Painting) was an institution for artistic instruction in Manila, Philippines founded in 1821 by Damián Domingo with the support of the Real Sociedad Economica Filipina de los Amigos del Pais. The academy closed in 1834 but re-opened in 1845 with funds bequeathed by Queen Isabela II. In 1891, the school would become known as the Escuela Superior de Pintura, Escultura y Grabado. While the Academia de Dibujo y Pintura refers distinctly to the institution established in 1821 and re-established in 1845 under the benefaction of the Sociedad Economica de los Amigos del Pais, it is officially considered to be the forerunner of the School of Fine Arts, which is the present-day College of Fine Arts of the University of the Philippines.
[5] Ibid., 35-40. The Colegio de San José became the San José Seminary of the Ateneo Municipal de Manila.
[6] The plot of Jose Rizal’s novel Noli Me Tangere, revolves around Crisostomo Ibarra, mixed-race heir of a wealthy clan, returning home after seven years in Europe and filled with ideas on how to better the lot of his countrymen. Striving for reforms, he is confronted by an abusive ecclesiastical hierarchy and a Spanish civil administration by turns indifferent and cruel. The novel suggests, through plot developments, that meaningful change in this context is exceedingly difficult, if not impossible. See Luis Francia, “Introduction to Jose Rizal’s Noli Me Tangere,” in Rizal, Jose. 2006. Noli Me Tangere. London, England: Penguin Classics. Nick Joaquin's May Day Eve (1947) is also informative of the attitude towards foreign-educated Filipinos during the Spanish colonial era (the story is set in 1847. In the story, Don Badoy Montiya learned from his grandson that he was described by Doña Agueda (through their daughter) as a "devil" when she originally performed the same ritual. Joaquin, Nick. May Day Eve and Other Stories / Nick Joaquin  Anvil Publishing Mandaluyong City, Philippines  2011. 
 
[7] Ibid., 40-41. Jose Rizal, one of the most conspicuous figures in Philippine history, was active in bringing social and political pressure to bear against the Spanish on behalf of the Filipinos in the 1990’s. The anniversary of his execution by the Spanish became a holiday in the Philippines.
[8] Ibid., 41. The goal to secularize education proved to be controversial even during the early years of the Pensionado program as we shall see later in the chapter when the Catholic league opposed the idea of sending dominantly-Catholic Filipino schoolboys to Protestant schools and having them live with Protestant households.
[9] Report of the United States Philippine Commission [1900] (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1901), 106-107.
[10] Brig. Gen. R.P. Hughes, U.S. Vols., Commanding Dept. of the Visayas, to the Adjutant General, October 11, 1900, in BIA 365-15.
[11] This is a misnomer by Munden. There are some 120 to 187 languages, not dialects,  spoken in the Philippines, depending on the method of classification. Almost all are Malayo-Polynesian languages native to the archipelago. A number of Spanish-influenced creole varieties generally called Chavacano are also spoken in certain communities. See, McFarland, C. D. (1994). "Subgrouping and Number of Philippine Languages". Philippine Journal of Linguistics. 25 (1–2): 75–84.
[12] Spanish was never the lingua franca in the archipelago under Spain. The friars documented the different native languages and served as the mediators between the local populations and the Crown. When the friars established institutions of higher education in the late 16th century, Spanish was the medium of instruction. A Spanish-speaking native elite class, called “Ilustrados,” emerged in the 19th century, but for the most part, the general population did not speak Spanish. For an overview of general Spanish literacy in the Philippines at the time of US colonization, see Rodao, Florentino. “Spanish Language in the Philippines: 1900-1940.” Philippine Studies 45, no. 1 (1997): 94–107. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42634215. The policy implemented by the United States instituting the English language as the primary language to be used as a medium of instruction was a long-range policy to bolster the annual increase of  the number of English speaking persons in the Philippines. However, in spite of this, the Spanish language maintained its resilient hold on the educational system. This was because many private educational institutions - characteristic of the educational system during the American period - particularly those administered by religious orders, persisted in teaching in Spanish, therefore maintaining a considerable number of young Spanish speaking Filipinos.
 
[13] Taft’s statement deliberately misses the fact that the Philippines was part of the Spanish empire, which was a Western imperial power. Nevertheless, given the peripheral status of the colony, Taft noted the enthusiasm for higher education. Here we notice that there was much delegation to local Filipino authorities for the success of a public education program, relying on their “zeal to carry on the works”.
[14] Report of the United States Philippine Commission to the Secretary of War for the Period from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901 (2 vols.; Washington : Government Printing Office, 1901), I, 147-148.
[15] Arcilla, Jose S. “La Escuela Normal de Maestros de Instrucción Primaria, 1865-1905.” Philippine Studies 36, no. 1 (1988): 16–35.
The Philippine Normal University was originally established as the Philippine Normal School (PNS), an institution for the training of teachers, by virtue of Act No. 74 of the Philippine Commission enacted on January 21, 1901. It opened on September 1, 1901 on the site of a former Spanish normal school in the Escuela Municipal in Intramuros. See, MEANY, JAMES J. “Escuela Normal de Maestros.” Philippine Studies 30, no. 4 (1982): 493–511. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42632632. Also, CARMEN, MARIA. “The Superior Normal School for Women Teachers in Manila 1893-98.” Philippine Studies 2, no. 3 (1954): 217–30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42719086. Savellano, Julieta M. “Teacher Education in the Philippines.” Philippine Studies 47, no. 2 (1999): 253–68. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42634316. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42633060.
For later accounts of the Public Education system. See, Lyons, Norbert. “The Uneducated Filipino an Obstacle To Progress.” Current History (1916-1940) 24, no. 5 (1926): 724–29. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45335725.
Sanguinet, E. H. “Adaptation of the Schools to the Social Order in the Philippine Islands.” The Journal of Educational Sociology 8, no. 7 (1935): 421–27. https://doi.org/10.2307/2960795.  E. H. Sanguinet who took his Ph.D. at Teachers College of Columbia University wrote in his doctoral dissertation a searching analysis about the home and industrial life of the Filipino people as a basis for schoolwork. “The development of the public-school system in the Philippine Islands probably ranks among the outstanding events in the history of modern education. Thirty years ago public education for the masses was nonexistent. Today the Filipino people point with considerable pride to a system of free, public schools, housed in modern school buildings and roughly comparable in pupil enrollment and number of teachers to that of New York City.”
See, Counts, George S. “Education in the Philippines.” The Elementary School Journal 26, no. 2 (1925): 94–106. http://www.jstor.org/stable/995649. Influential Education theorist George S. Counts notes: “Since the opening of the Twentieth Century one of the boldest experiments in human enlightenment ever attempted has been in progress in the Philippine Islands”
[16] Third Annual Report of the Philippine Commission [1902] (2 vols.; Washington: Government Printing Office, 1903)II, 880.
[17] Educational Agency report No. 3 p. 2. See Appendix II of this study for a complete list of Philippine Educational Agency reports in the records of the Bureau of Insular Affairs in the custody of the National Archives.
See, ​​Hunt, Chester L. “The ‘Americanization’ Process In The Philippines.” India Quarterly 12, no. 2 (1956): 117–30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45071116. Americanization was seen as both an act duty and charity under the policy of benevolent assimilation. “Most of the world regarded this statement as merely an attempt to cloak imperialistic motives in pious terms. The Filipinos regarded themselves as already civilized and Christian, and only the force of arms persuaded them to accept American rule. Americans, for the most part, accepted the doctrine in good faith. They combined a dislike for a colonial empire with a deep-seated faith in the superiority of their own culture. To them, the obvious procedure was first to 'Americanize' the Filipinos and then let them run their own affairs.”
[18] This is an often overlooked bit in the study of the Pensionado program, that Filipinos actually had to petition colonial authorities to legislate a scholarship program and that they had volunteered to shoulder the expense of education. As a result, many other Filipinos applied to US colleges and universities outside of the patronage of the Pensionado Act, with communities often pooling resources to pay for tuition, allowance, and transportation fares.
[19] William Howard Taft, Secretary of War, to Col. Clarence R. Edwards. Chief of Bureau of Insular Affairs, October 22, 1904, in BIA 363-138.                       
[20] Educational Agency Report No. 3, pp. 14-15
[21] A rather archaic word in the notes by Munden, meaning: relating to or dependent on charity; charitable, OED, op cit.
[22] The project of colonizing the Philippines was domesticated by allowing private citizens to volunteer as foster parents or community patrons of the Filipino pensionados.
[23] Brearley to Mckinley, February 1, 1901, in BIA 363-8.
[24] BIA 363-18.
[25] Created as the Division of Customs and Insular Affairs on December 13, 1898, the Bureau was originally charged with “all matters pertaining to the customs of the Islands of Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Philippines, and all civil affairs relation to those islands as distinguished from matter of a military character connected with the government  of the islands.” The name of the agency was changed in 1900 to Division of Insular Affairs, and in 1902 to Bureau of Insular Affairs. The administration of the civil government of the Philippine Islands was the most important function exercised by the Bureau during its forty-one years of existence. Kenneth Munden, comp. Records of the Bureaus of Insular Affairs Relating to the Philippine Islands, 1898-1935: A list of Selected Files (Washington: The National Archives, 1942), vii-xii.
[26] Edwards to Young, March 31, 1905, in BIA 363-40.
[27] See, Fear-Segal, Jacqueline, and Susan D. Rose, eds. Carlisle Indian Industrial School: Indigenous Histories, Memories, and Reclamations. University of Nebraska Press, 2016. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1dwssxz. The Carlisle Indian School (1879–1918) was an audacious educational experiment. Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt, the school's founder and first superintendent, persuaded the federal government that training Native children to accept the white man's ways and values would be more efficient than fighting deadly battles. The result was that the last Indian war would be waged against Native children in the classroom. More than 8,500 children from virtually every Native nation in the United States were taken from their homes and transported to Pennsylvania. Carlisle provided a blueprint for the federal Indian school system that was established across the United States and also served as a model for many residential schools in Canada. The Carlisle experiment initiated patterns of dislocation and rupture far deeper and more profound and enduring than its founder and supporters ever grasped. Carlisle Indian Industrial School offers varied perspectives on the school by interweaving the voices of students' descendants, poets, and activists with cutting-edge research by Native and non-Native scholars. These contributions reveal the continuing impact and vitality of historical and collective memory, as well as the complex and enduring legacies of a school that still affects the lives of many Native Americans.
[28] Young to Edwards, April 11, 1903 in ibid.  Young later collected and sent to Edwards data on the experiences of Germany, Great Britain, and Holland. In Germany, for example, few attempts had been made by the Colonial Administration to send natives from the German colonies to Germany for education, and such experiments had been confined to Togo and Kamerun. BIA 365-47.
[29] Clarification: US-educated scholars were beheaded in China. As late as 1950, Su-shu Huang (黄授书, 1915-1977) who earned his PhD from the University of Chicago in 1950 refused to return to China, claiming that since he was a member of the American Astronomical Society, he could be beheaded. However, later he was among the Chinese Americans to visit China. During his second trip to China he died of a heart attack in Beijing on September 15, 1977. Photo: Photo 33: Su-shu Huang (Courtesy the University of Chicago Photographic Archive). See, Frederic Xiong, “The Untold Stories: The University of Chicago-educated Chinese PhDs of 1915-1960, Research Paper: University of Chicago,” Accessed 1 December 2021. https://liblet.lib.uchicago.edu/documents/2183/ See also, ​​Ling, Huping. “A History of Chinese Female Students in the United States, 1880s-1990s.” Journal of American Ethnic History 16, no. 3 (1997): 81–109. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27502196.
[30] Edwards to Young, May 6, 1903, in BIA 365-40.
[31] Young to Edwards, October 25, 1903, in BIA 365-50.
[32] Edwards to Young, October 28, 1903, in ibid.
[33] Fear-Segal, Jacqueline, and Susan D. Rose, eds. Carlisle Indian Industrial School: Indigenous Histories, Memories, and Reclamations. University of Nebraska Press, 2016. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1dwssxz.
[34] Lt. Col. R.H. Pratt to Adjutant General, December 5, 1902, in BIA 365-25.
[35] Edwards to Young May 6, 1903, in BIA 363-40.
[36] Edwards to Senator W.B. Allison, January 25, 1901, in BIA 365-1.

This page has paths:

This page has replies: