Why Chole used to go to the Piazza
1 2017-10-31T04:27:57-07:00 Jessica McLaren 121aa3c68d116c8d37b211a476a83ff02ea68a0f 23020 1 plain 2017-10-31T04:27:58-07:00 Jessica McLaren 121aa3c68d116c8d37b211a476a83ff02ea68a0fThis page is referenced by:
-
1
2017-09-18T04:42:36-07:00
Adeline
60
plain
2018-03-16T09:51:41-07:00
SCALAR INTERACTIVE ESSAY
INTRODUCTION
The following essay deals with the way in which a group of students experience the Piazza at the University of Pretoria. The sensory element that this essay focuses on is smell. Smell is linked to the role of memory. Memory is significant in understanding the way the participants experience a space. Additionally the participants walking practices will be examined. Key patterns and themes will be discussed using visuals, voice recordings and photo-elicitations. Lastly the essay will provide a short reflection on the nature and value of this project.
SMELLSCAPE
According to Simmel smell is a “dissociating sense”, used to divide class, racial, gender and ethnic groups (cited by Boer 2013:972). In recent times the smell of smoke has been stigmatised (cited by Boer 2013:972). Majority of the participants mentioned their aversion to the smoke. This is evident in the photograph taken by Chloe which falls under the question "what she dislikes about the Piazza". Furthermore Calliope said she found the smoke to be "overwhelming". The benches in the Piazza are known for being the smoking hub of the university. The participants agreed that the group of students who sit and smoke in this area are viewed as “lazy” individuals who do "not go to class" (Savanna, 2017). Thus the smell of smoke is a “dissociating sense”, which creates divisions and distinctions between groups of students at the university.
According to Porteous stigmatisation is not only a result of biological and psychological influences but also cultural and social sensations (cited by Boer 2013:972). Thus the dissociation concerning the smell of smoke may be due to the decline of social acceptance towards smoking. The health risks of smoking is widely known which leads to the negative stigma attached to the practice. This is evident in the many photographs the participants took of cigarettes and hubbly bubbly. These cigarettes were photographed to demonstrate the parts of the Piazza the participants dislike. Thus, how individuals interpret smells is an outcome of cultural values which are influenced by society. According to Classen this is a mean for how individuals define and interact with their environment (cited by Boer 2013:973). As a result of this knowledge and the stigma attached to the smoking area, some of the participants avoid the bench area.
Another area many of the participants avoid is the cafeteria. Majority of the participants find the smell of all the different foods "overwhelming" (Chloe, 2017). According to Waskul and Vannini the meaning individuals endow on smells become context dependent and place based (cited by Boer 2013:973). This is evident in the Piazza where the distinct stench of food is directly associated with the Cafeteria. This is apparent in the photographs Molly and Savanna took of the cafeteria. They have categorised them under odour. This reveals they associate the cafeteria with food smells. Odours can also manipulate the meaning and experience of a place (Boer 2013:973). As indicated by many of the participants the smell puts them "off of the area" (Chloe, 2017).
A lot of the participants had spent time in the Piazza in their first and second year due to its centrality and convenience. However a large majority of them no longer visit the space. This is due to negative past experiences with odours being a key influence. This is evident in Jane's answer of "why she does not enter the Piazza anymore?" where she answered "it smells". Evidently smell plays an important role in recollections of a place as said by Porteous, Rodaway 1994, Waskul (cited by Boer 2013:974). When asked about a place she dislikes on campus Adeline mentioned the food court. She recalls how she would "quickly buy something and leave" due to "the food smells". Thus the smell played a key role in her recollection.
THE ROLE OF MEMORY
Evidently the participants did not only engage with the existing space, they also engaged with their previous memories of how the Piazza looked, smelt and sounded (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:5). Louise and JP reflected on how the place has since changed. JP discussed the change in the appearance of the building and Louise discussed what the space used to look like before the Piazza was built. She also commented on where the previous social hub was in the university before the existence of the Piazza.
Furthermore the participants discussed their present memories with memories overlaid from the past of the same space. This is evident where Chloe, Adeline and Molly discussed how they used to enjoy the Fego which closed two years ago. They recalled their memories of the Fego which played a central role in how they experienced the Piazza. They used to walk to the Piazza to get food from Fego as the taste of the food was of a high quality. However since the Fego has closed down they "avoid" the area (Chloe, 2017)
Many of the respondents compared the eating areas in the Piazza to other cafes on campus. These juxtapositions were often comments of judgement (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:23). Memories of other cafes on campus prompted judgement about the space's sensory element. The cafes were seen as "less claustrophobic" and the taste of the food was rated as "higher quality" (Adeline, 2017). As a result majority of the students disengage from visiting the Piazza's eating areas. They would rather go to other cafes of campus.
WALKING PRACTICES
Memory also plays a role in routine walking patterns. Participants who have walked through and around the Piazza regularly are almost on ‘autopilot’ (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:14). As noted by Savanna she "just follow[s] the path". Evidently her walking pattern is not a conscious decision. Most of the participants have a clearly mapped route of the Piazza which they usually follow when entering the space. This is shown where Adeline, Chloe and Savanna agreed that it is “easier to follow the path” in the undercover section (Savanna, 2017). They usually take the same path in the Piazza as they had classes in the "Humanities" (Chloe, 2017).
Additionally the notion of voyeurism is highlighted where Adeline says that she feels “everyone is watching” when she walks through the centre of the Piazza. Consequently she prefers following the covered path. Both Molly and Louise also commented on how they “are the subject of observation” (Louise, 2017). Molly feels "surveyed" in the Piazza which is evident in the photograph she captured. This indicates that some higher power is always watching. However JP and Ophelia usually walk through the centre of the Piazza to reach their destinations. Thus individuals interact with the space differently depending of their perspectives of the area.
Furthermore the sensory environment produces patterns of how people walk (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:16). This is apparent in Savannas walking pattern where she avoids the inside area of the Piazza as it is visually unappealing, odorous and “claustrophobic”. She “finds it to be quite dirty” and she dislikes the smell “of food and cigarettes” that surrounds that area. She experiences a negative cross-sensory reaction and so she avoids this space. The Piazzas’ physical and sensory environment produces a multiplicity of patterns for walking (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:16). This is shown in Adeline’s walking patterns as she is willing to walk inside the Piazza. However she avoids “the dark and dingy areas” such as the tunnel by the bathroom. She prefers to walk on the pathway next to the FNB “as it is spacious and light”. This reveals the connection of the building’s design and her sensory experience (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:18).
Adeline, Savanna, Poppy and Louise are all drawn to the grass area as they prefer to be in nature because it is “spacious” (Adeline,2017), “relaxing” (Savanna,2017), “calm” (Poppy, 2017) and “light” (Louise, 2017). JP, Louise and Savanna comment on the contrast of the outside area which “is [a] clean and comfortable space” (JP, 2017) compared to the inside area which “is all over the place" (Savanna, 2017).
Whereas Ophelia’s interaction with the Piazza is only when she is “passing through” to get to her destination. Similarly Loretta calls the Piazza her “fly through” as she gets what she needs from the space and then exits the Piazza. She only visits the area if she needs “something to eat”, to “go to the ATM” or to use “the bathroom” (Loretta, 2017). Otherwise she does not use the place for recreational use.
REFLECTION
This study is valuable as there has been little research conducted on individuals' sensory experiences in urban spaces. I was surprised when I realised how smell and noise had influenced my experience of the Piazza. While photo-documenting the space I was only focusing on visuals. However without noticing all my senses influenced my choice of photographs. Creating the visual archive was initially challenging as Scalar is not user friendly. However once I understood how to use the platform I found the process of uploading my media easy. It was fascinating to hear an array of opinions during the photo-elicitations. I found this discussion was particularly beneficial for my reflection as the participants built upon each other’s answers. The participants provided information rich answers which created depth and clarity to the research. I found that the visuals also assisted the participants in remembering the space which allowed them to give greater detail to their answers. In future studies I may use this method as it is extremely effective.
CONCLUSION
It can be concluded that all an individual’s senses influence their experience of a space. It is apparent here that smell plays role in how the participants experienced the Piazza. In the case of the smoking area and food court smell was a dominant sense which negatively influenced the participants' perception on the space. These smells are mediated through cultural and social influences. Furthermore smell plays a key role in an individual recollection of a place. Memory is central to how an individual experiences a place. This is evident in the participants' previous and comparative memories. Memory also links to individuals’ walking patterns and where they move in and around a space according to their recollection of that space. It is apparent that each individual engages and interacts with the Piazza differently.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borer, M. 2013. Being in the City: The sociology of urban experiences. Sociology Compass 7(11) :965-983.
Degen, M & Rose, G. 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: the role of walking and
perceptual memory.Urban Studies 49(15):3271-3287