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VKK 757: Archiving UP's Piazza

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Adeline
SCALAR INTERACTIVE ESSAY

INTRODUCTION

The following essay deals with the way in which a group of students experience the Piazza at the University of Pretoria. The sensory element that this essay focuses on is smell. Smell is linked to the role of memory. Memory is significant in understanding the way the participants experience a space. Additionally the participants walking practices will be examined. Key patterns and themes will be discussed using visuals, voice recordings and photo-elicitations. Lastly the essay will provide a short reflection on the nature and value of this project.

SMELLSCAPE

According to Simmel smell is a “dissociating sense”, used to divide class, racial, gender and ethnic groups (cited by Boer 2013:972). In recent times the smell of smoke has been stigmatised (cited by Boer 2013:972). Majority of the participants mentioned their aversion to the smoke. This is evident in the photograph taken by Chloe which falls under the question "what she dislikes about the Piazza". Furthermore Calliope said she found the smoke to be "overwhelming". The benches in the Piazza are known for being the smoking hub of the university. The participants agreed that the group of students who sit and smoke in this area are viewed as “lazy” individuals who do "not go to class" (Savanna, 2017). Thus the smell of smoke is a “dissociating sense”, which creates divisions and distinctions between groups of students at the university.

According to Porteous stigmatisation is not only a result of biological and psychological influences but also cultural and social sensations (cited by Boer 2013:972). Thus the dissociation concerning the smell of smoke may be due to the decline of social acceptance towards smoking. The health risks of smoking is widely known which leads to the negative stigma attached to the practice. This is evident in the many photographs the participants took of cigarettes and hubbly bubbly. These cigarettes were photographed to demonstrate the parts of the Piazza the participants dislike. Thus, how individuals interpret smells is an outcome of cultural values which are influenced by society. According to Classen this is a mean for how individuals define and interact with their environment (cited by Boer 2013:973). As a result of this knowledge and the stigma attached to the smoking area, some of the participants avoid the bench area.

Another area many of the participants avoid is the cafeteria. Majority of the participants find the smell of all the different foods "overwhelming" (Chloe, 2017). According to Waskul and Vannini the meaning individuals endow on smells become context dependent and place based (cited by Boer 2013:973). This is evident in the Piazza where the distinct stench of food is directly associated with the Cafeteria. This is apparent in the photographs Molly and Savanna took of the cafeteria. They have categorised them under odour. This reveals they associate the cafeteria with food smells. Odours can also manipulate the meaning and experience of a place (Boer 2013:973). As indicated by many of the participants the smell puts them "off of the area" (Chloe, 2017).

A lot of the participants had spent time in the Piazza in their first and second year due to its centrality and convenience. However a large majority of them no longer visit the space. This is due to negative past experiences with odours being a key influence. This is evident in Jane's answer of "why she does not enter the Piazza anymore?" where she answered "it smells". Evidently smell plays an important role in recollections of a place as said by Porteous, Rodaway 1994, Waskul (cited by Boer 2013:974). When asked about a place she dislikes on campus Adeline mentioned the food court. She recalls how she would "quickly buy something and leave" due to "the food smells". Thus the smell played a key role in her recollection.

THE ROLE OF MEMORY

Evidently the participants did not only engage with the existing space, they also engaged with their previous memories of how the Piazza looked, smelt and sounded (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:5). Louise and JP reflected on how the place has since changed. JP discussed the change in the appearance of the building and Louise discussed what the space used to look like before the Piazza was built. She also commented on where the previous social hub was in the university before the existence of the Piazza.

Furthermore the participants discussed their present memories with memories overlaid from the past of the same space. This is evident where Chloe, Adeline and Molly discussed how they used to enjoy the Fego which closed two years ago. They recalled their memories of the Fego which played a central role in how they experienced the Piazza. They used to walk to the Piazza to get food from Fego as the taste of the food was of a high quality. However since the Fego has closed down they "avoid" the area (Chloe, 2017)

Many of the respondents compared the eating areas in the Piazza to other cafes on campus. These juxtapositions were often comments of judgement (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:23). Memories of other cafes on campus prompted judgement about the space's sensory element. The cafes were seen as "less claustrophobic" and the taste of the food was rated as "higher quality" (Adeline, 2017). As a result majority of the students disengage from visiting the Piazza's eating areas. They would rather go to other cafes of campus.

WALKING PRACTICES

Memory also plays a role in routine walking patterns. Participants who have walked through and around the Piazza regularly are almost on ‘autopilot’ (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:14). As noted by Savanna she "just follow[s] the path". Evidently her walking pattern is not a conscious decision. Most of the participants have a clearly mapped route of the Piazza which they usually follow when entering the space. This is shown where Adeline, Chloe and Savanna agreed that it is “easier to follow the path” in the undercover section (Savanna, 2017). They usually take the same path in the Piazza as they had classes in the "Humanities" (Chloe, 2017).

Additionally the notion of voyeurism is highlighted where Adeline says that she feels “everyone is watching” when she walks through the centre of the Piazza. Consequently she prefers following the covered path. Both Molly and Louise also commented on how they “are the subject of observation” (Louise, 2017). Molly feels "surveyed" in the Piazza which is evident in the photograph she captured. This indicates that some higher power is always watching. However JP and Ophelia usually walk through the centre of the Piazza to reach their destinations. Thus individuals interact with the space differently depending of their perspectives of the area.

Furthermore the sensory environment produces patterns of how people walk (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:16). This is apparent in Savannas walking pattern where she avoids the inside area of the Piazza as it is visually unappealing, odorous and “claustrophobic”. She “finds it to be quite dirty” and she dislikes the smell “of food and cigarettes” that surrounds that area. She experiences a negative cross-sensory reaction and so she avoids this space. The Piazzas’ physical and sensory environment produces a multiplicity of patterns for walking (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:16). This is shown in Adeline’s walking patterns as she is willing to walk inside the Piazza. However she avoids “the dark and dingy areas” such as the tunnel by the bathroom. She prefers to walk on the pathway next to the FNB “as it is spacious and light”. This reveals the connection of the building’s design and her sensory experience (Degen, Monica Montserrat and Rose, Gillian 2012:18).

Adeline, Savanna, Poppy and Louise are all drawn to the grass area as they prefer to be in nature because it is “spacious” (Adeline,2017), “relaxing” (Savanna,2017), “calm” (Poppy, 2017) and “light” (Louise, 2017). JP, Louise and Savanna comment on the contrast of the outside area which “is [a] clean and comfortable space” (JP, 2017) compared to the inside area which “is all over the place" (Savanna, 2017).

Whereas Ophelia’s interaction with the Piazza is only when she is “passing through” to get to her destination. Similarly Loretta calls the Piazza her “fly through” as she gets what she needs from the space and then exits the Piazza. She only visits the area if she needs “something to eat”, to “go to the ATM” or to use “the bathroom” (Loretta, 2017). Otherwise she does not use the place for recreational use.

REFLECTION

This study is valuable as there has been little research conducted on individuals' sensory experiences in urban spaces. I was surprised when I realised how smell and noise had influenced my experience of the Piazza. While photo-documenting the space I was only focusing on visuals. However without noticing all my senses influenced my choice of photographs. Creating the visual archive was initially challenging as Scalar is not user friendly. However once I understood how to use the platform I found the process of uploading my media easy. It was fascinating to hear an array of opinions during the photo-elicitations. I found this discussion was particularly beneficial for my reflection as the participants built upon each other’s answers. The participants provided information rich answers which created depth and clarity to the research. I found that the visuals also assisted the participants in remembering the space which allowed them to give greater detail to their answers. In future studies I may use this method as it is extremely effective.

CONCLUSION

It can be concluded that all an individual’s senses influence their experience of a space. It is apparent here that smell plays role in how the participants experienced the Piazza. In the case of the smoking area and food court smell was a dominant sense which negatively influenced the participants' perception on the space. These smells are mediated through cultural and social influences. Furthermore smell plays a key role in an individual recollection of a place. Memory is central to how an individual experiences a place. This is evident in the participants' previous and comparative memories. Memory also links to individuals’ walking patterns and where they move in and around a space according to their recollection of that space. It is apparent that each individual engages and interacts with the Piazza differently.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Borer, M. 2013. Being in the City: The sociology of urban experiences. Sociology Compass 7(11) :965-983.

Degen, M & Rose, G. 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: the role of walking and
perceptual memory.Urban Studies 49(15):3271-3287
Jane This interactive reflection essay aims to examine the ways in which students experienced the University of Pretoria’s Piazza, with specific focus on the sensory engagements by the participants, in terms of sight, sound, and smell, while moving through the space, involving a combination of images, text, and voice recordings. The experience of the Piazza space through bodily modes, certain walking practices, and the role of memory will be discussed with reference to theorists Degen and Rose (2012) and Borer (2013). A short reflection is also provided on the nature of the project and its value, to convey what was learnt from the process of using documentation and photo-elicitation in the creation of a visual archive.

In his article, “Being in the city: the sociology of urban experiences”, Borer (2013:979) suggests that “urban experiences are almost inevitably attached to sensory stimulations”, and states that “sensuous experiences” (2013:969) take place during interaction with urban places, expressed through what he refers to as “sensescapes” (2013:966), also suggesting that specific places within a city can be evaluated through its sensory stimuli. However he argues that one should not focus too heavily on only the visual. Similarly in their article, Degen and Rose (2012:5) state that the “city is experienced through multiple sensory modalities, not just the visual”.

Borer (2013:971) describes the “texture of the urban soundscape” as being made up of various noises and “distinctive rhythms”, he goes on to state that sounds like these are usually associated with specific places, around the Piazza there is a certain buzz, made up of noise from foot traffic and various conversations going on at the same time, as Chloe (2017) states “the space is still predominantly a very loud area”, and Adeline (2017) feels that the cafeteria is overcrowded, perhaps creating a claustrophobic feeling, mentioned by Savanna (2017), with the noise and smells being quite overwhelming to the senses, similarly, Loretta (2017) prefers not to spend too long in the space because it gets “too crowded and is very busy”.

Scent plays a significant role in the memories of places, as indicated by Borer (2013). One can argue that what Borer (2013) describes as the “smellscape” was the most common “sensuous experience” (2013:969) among the participants’ experience in the Piazza, as most students commented on the smells within the space. Within the vicinity of the Piazza, there is a strong smell of smoke, from cigarettes and hubblys as this is a popular area for smokers, as Chloe (2017) mentions that the space is filled with the “smell of hubbly and various foods cooking”. Some students avoids sitting on the benches in the area because of “the smoke and the smell” (Adeline 2017). Borer (2013) suggests that odours become “place-based”, therefore, “particular smells are connected with particular places and, vis a vis, particular types of people” (2013:973).

As scent plays an “important role in recollections of places” (Borer 2013:974), the smells in the Piazza area, or the scentscapes, seem to have an overwhelmingly negative impact on the participants, as is evident in their responses to what they dislike about the Piazza space. It may be argued that memory, as stated by Degen and Rose (2012), engaged with recollections of the Piazza space, memories of other occasions when he students have interacted with the Piazza space, including the statements about the area usually being a popular hub for smokers, as seen in Molly’s (2017) image, may influence opinions of the Piazza because the space becomes connected with the specific smell of smoke, as Borer (2013:973) suggests, “smell is such a powerful cultural force that it is often taken for granted”.

Degen and Rose (2012:14) state that “different ways of walking integrate quite distinct sensory impressions”, and suggest that sensory encounters can be altered “by particular practices of spatial mobility; and by memories or previous visits to the same or similar places”. (2012:15). Specific walking practices within the space are evident, due to various paths through and around the Piazza, as seen in the images by Adeline (2017) and Ophelia (2017). Chloe states that she is “uncomfortable to walk through” the center on the Piazza, she feels a sense of being watched so she prefers to walk on the outside, around the Piazza, as does Jane (2017),who prefers to “walk around it instead of through it”. The centrality of the piazza may be one of its focal points, the reason why this space is so occupied and busy may be mainly due to the convenience of shops, bathrooms and ATM’s being located in one space, being described as “one of the most central places on campus” (Chloe 2017), and a “communal” environment (Savanna 2017). However, views on the Piazza differ, Loretta (2017) states that she is usually “only in that space to use the bathroom, buy food and use the ATM”, and Ophelia (2017) states that this is an area that she passes through on her way elsewhere, saying that it is not a space that she would want to spend time in because she is “not particularly fond of this part of campus”, while Caliope (2017) viewed the space as “inviting and practical”. Many of the students stated that although they have interacted with this space on previous occasions, they no longer make use of this particular space and would rather avoid it and spend time in other spaces on the campus.

Degen and Rose (2012:16) state that “individuals react to different forms of sensory stimulation around them”, this is evident in the sensory experiences had by the students within the space of the Piazza. While students had multisensory experiences, scent appears to be the dominant sensory engagement had in the Piazza space, noting the smells of smoke and various food smells from the cafeteria. Walking practices and memories of a particular place play an important role in an individuals’ interaction within spaces, but it is also apparent that experiences of places, particularly the Piazza, are heavily influenced by direct sensory engagements.

Bibliography
Borer, MI. 2013. Being in the city: the sociology of urban experiences. Sociology Compass 7/11: 965-983.
Degen, MM. & Rose, G. 2012. The sensory experiencing of urban design: the role of walking and perceptual memory. Urban Studies 49(15): 3271-3287.