It is argued that there is sufficient evidence to show that Amda Seyon was the son of Wedem Arad.[2] However, when a deputation of monks led by Basalota Mikael accused him of incest for marrying Emperor Wedem Arad's concubine Jan Mogassa and threatened to excommunicate him, he claimed to be the biological son of the Emperor's brother Qidm Asagid; this explanation may have had its origins in court gossip. Whatever the truth of Amda Seyon's parentage, the Imperial history known as the Paris Chronicle records that he expressed his rage at his accusers by beating one of them, Abbot Anorewos of Segaja, and exiling the other ecclesiastics to Dembiya and Begemder.[3]

It is not known how Amda Seyon became Emperor, but there are a few pieces of information that indicate that he may have been involved in the succession struggle against Wedem Arad.[4]

Army
Emperor Amda Seyon's army was remarkably similar to the organization of the army during ancient Aksumite times.[5] It consisted of two parts: the first, his central army, was very effective and closely attached to the Royal Court; the second was a much larger local militia raised in times of local crises. These local units would, as in Aksumite times, form a distinctive unit and fight together, maintaining their local character and were divided into smaller units each headed by a local ruler.[6] Though these local units were largely out of the direct control of Amda Seyon, during his reign, the control of vassal contingents enjoyed by the Emperor increased greatly and would continue until the invasion of Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi in the 16th century.[6]

The central army was divided into independent regiments, each with its own specialized name, such as Qeste-Nihb, Hareb Gonda, and Tekula.[a] The independent regiments competed for the king's favor, who "raised" and "nourished" them from childhood.[6][7][b]The regiments were led by an intimately loyal commander directly responsible to Amda Seyon. His own son, Saf-Asegid, commanded one of these divisions, as did Amda Seyon's brother-in-law.[8] Moreover, the commander of Qeste-Nihb, Simishehal, along with his colleague Inze-Aygeb, are described as the "most beloved" officers of the Emperor, who is distressed when he learns of their injury at the Battle of Hagera.[9][c] The specialized regiments tied their fortune to that of the Emperor and were most likely taken from the best soldiers from around the country. Amda Seyon used them whenever quick action had to be taken, and their regiment commanders would often serve the role of governor in times of crises in certain provinces, as did Digna, the right-wing commander of the cavalry regiment Korem (named after the region/town of the same name) in 1332 in Tigray.[8] His central army further consisted of regional regiments similar to those of his local militias. They were drawn mainly from newly conquered provinces and shared a cultural and linguistic heritage. Most soldiers were probably prisoners taken in the conquests, though some were undoubtedly kept as servants to the royal court, while others were exported to slave markets or given to private citizens. Those who were to serve the Emperor were given military training, probably under a commander from the same region and loyal to the Emperor.[8] Most of these groups were broken down into smaller sections due to their size; for instance, in Amda Seyon's 1332 (or 1329) campaigns, a division of Damot fought the Beta Israel in the north, while another went to fight in the campaigns in the south against Ifat and the Muslims.[10]

The Emperor improved the imperial army, which until his reign was not as heavily armed as his Muslim adversaries. The 14th century Arab historian al-Umari noted regarding Ethiopian troops that

"their weapons of war are the bow with arrows resembling the nussab; swords, spears and lances. Some warriors fight with swords and with narrow and long shields. But their principal weapon is the spear which resembles a long lance. There are some [warriors] who fling darts which are [similar to] short arrows, with a long bow resembling a cross-bow."[10]Despite the wide variety of weapons ascribed to the Ethiopian troops by al-Umari, swords and daggers were not often used by the Ethiopian army, which was mainly armed with bows, spears, and shields for defense, along with mounted soldiers.[11][d] The Muslims, however, are described as having "swords, daggers, iron sticks [dimbus]" and other weapons useful in close quarters, and al-Umari notes that "the arrows of the warriors of the Muslim borderlands are bigger" than those of the Solomonic army.[11] The Ethiopian army's strength was mainly numerical, but Amda Seyon did much to improve his army's equipment, increasing the use of swords and daggers (probably obtained through Muslim traders), and creating a special regiment armed with swords.[12] The Emperor also formed a special regiment of shield-bearers that was probably used to guard his archers.[12]

Early military actions

Map of medieval Ethiopian provinces, with sub-provinces in smaller lettering and neighboring tribes in italics.Taddesse Tamrat reports that he found a contemporary note written in a manuscript now kept in the island monastery of Lake Hayq, which mentions that in 1309AM (AD 1316/1317), Emperor Amda Seyon successfully campaigned against the Muslim kingdoms of Damot andHadiya.[13] The note describes his conquest first of Damot, many of whose people he exiles to another area, and then of Hadiya, to whose people he does likewise. Though his early control of the regions was minimal, it is evident by 1332 (or 1329) that Hadiya had been fully integrated, providing troops for his 1332 campaigns against Ifat. The King of Hadiya, Amano, refused to visit the Emperor and give his tribute, encouraged by, according to Amda Seyon's chronicler, a Muslim "prophet of darkness" named Bel'am.[14] According to the Emperor's Chronicle, Bel'am told him to rebel:

Go not to the king of Seyon [i.e. Ethiopia]. Do not give him gifts: if he comes against you, be not afraid of him, for he will be delivered into your hands and you will cause him to perish with his army.[14]The Emperor was infuriated, invading Hadiya and killing many people, taking Amano prisoner along with many of his subjects. Bel'am, however was able to escape the Emperor by fleeing to Ifat. These conquests represent a significant advancement of Amda Seyon's eventual goal of controlling the inland trade previously controlled by the Muslims in Ifat and farther east.[15] Hadiya's conquest deeply affected the slave trade and consequently hurt the trade and wealth of the eastern Muslim provinces. For the first time, the Muslim presence in the region was threatened, which later resulted in alliances between the Muslim provinces (which often rebelled) when they had previously acted more independently of each other.[15]

In the same year as his campaigns against the southern regions of Damot and Hadiya, the Emperor also campaigned against the more northerly province of Gojjam.[16]

Northern campaigns

After his 1316/7 campaigns in the south, Amda Seyon had to turn north to strengthen his control over areas that had in the meanwhile gained more autonomy.[17] The northern Tigrayan province of Inderta or Enderta had increasingly been asserting its independence since the Solomonic restoration under Yekuno Amlak in 1270. During Yekuno Amlak's time, the governor of Inderta was Ingida Igzi' who was succeeded by his son, Tesfane Igzi. As governor of Inderta, Tesfane Igzi' had the most power among the northern provinces and held the title Hasgwa and Aqabé Tsentsen ('keeper of the fly whisks – an ancient Aksumite title) and threatened the Amhara-based lineage currently in power. As early as 1305, Tesfane Igzi' referred to Inderta as "his kingdom," his son and successor, Ya'ibika Igzi, did not even mention the Emperor in his 1318/9 land grant.[16] Ya'ibika Igzi eventually rebelled, unsuccessfully inviting the governor of nearby Tembien to join him.[e] Amda Seyon responded swiftly, killing the governor, dividing the titles, and appointing them to different individuals of lowly origin.[18] The Emperor's appointees were unpopular, described as "men who were not born from Adam and Eve who were called Halestiyotat," a term literally meaning "bastard of mixed or low origins".[18] To consolidate his control in the region, Amda Seyon established a military colony of non-Tigrayan troops at Amba Senayata, the center of the rebellion, and appointed his Tigrayan wife, Queen Bilén Saba, as governor of Inderta, along with a new batch of officials below her. The Queen ruled rather indirectly, however, which caused some resentment in the province, inducing the Emperor to appoint one of his sons, Bahr Seged as governor, who was later in 1328 also given control of the maritime provinces under the title of Ma'ikele Bahr ("Between the Rivers/Seas").[18]

In 1329, the Emperor campaigned in the northern provinces of Semien, Wogera, Tselemt, and Tsegede, in which many had been converting to Judaism and where the Beta Israel had been gaining prominence (see Wegera (woreda), Tselemti, and Tsegede for the modern woredas).[19]

Amda Seyon was also wary of Muslim power along the Red Sea coast and therefore headed to the northern area of Tigray provincebordering the Red Sea:

"I, King Amdä-ṣiyon, went to the sea of Eritrea [i.e. "Red"]. When I reached there, I mounted on an elephant and entered the sea. I took up my arrow and spears, killed my enemies, and saved my people."[20]During his campaign, the Emperor also met the famous monk Ewostatewos, who was on his way to Armenia.[20]

Trade and culture
Trade flourished under Amda Seyon. Archeological investigations in the treasuries of Ethiopian churches and monasteries have recovered coins, textiles and other objects that prove the existence of trade with the Byzantine Empire. Taddesse Tamrat also notes that he had a Syrian secretary from a Christian family of Damascus, who helped him keep in close touch with events in theMiddle East.[39]

Some of the earliest works of Ethiopian literature were written during Amda Seyon's reign. Perhaps the best known is the Kebra Nagast, which was translated from Arabic at the request of Yaebika Egzi'e, governor of Inderta. Other works from this period include the Mashafa Mestira Samay Wamedr ("The Book of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth") written by Giyorgis of Segla, and the Zena Eskender ("History of Alexander the Great"), a romance wherein Alexander the Great becomes a Christian saint. Ullendorff has identified a tradition that at this time the Ge'ez translation of the Bible was revised.[40] Also worth mentioning is that four of the Soldiers Songs were composed during the reign of Amda Seyon, and are the earliest existing examples of Amharic.[f]Lastly, Amda Seyon is the first king recorded as having donated to the library of the Ethiopian community at Jerusalem.[41]
Notes
a. ^ Taddesse Tamrat notes that, according to Jules Perruchon, Tekula literally means "jackal," while Qeste-Nihb means "the sting of the bee."[6]
b. ^ Seeing many of his soldiers flee at the sight of the powerful armies of Jamal ad-Din and of Adal, the sick Amda Seyon noted: "Have you forgotten, besides, that it was I who raised, you, nourished you, and covered you with ornaments of gold and silver and precious clothes!"[42]
c. ^ Simshehal's name also appears as "Semey" in a list of governors with the title Ma'ikele-Bahr (lit. "between the rivers/seas," a northern maritime province) and in the Royal chronicle as "Sumey (-shehal)" and "Simiy (-shihal)."[43] Inze-Aygab also appears once as "Yanz-Aygeb."[9]
d. ^ According to Taddesse Tamrat, though the royal chronicle describes Amda Seyon as being armed with a sword, the chronicler only refers to the Emperors skill with the bow and arrow, spear, and shield; Taddesse further notes in a footnote that swords seem to only be used in a ceremonial manner in contemporary hagiographies.[11]
e. ^ According to Taddesse Tamrat, from traditional indications in the hagiography of Abiye Igzi'.[18]
f. ^ A translation with notes of these four songs is included in The Glorious Victories, pp. 129–134.


Citations

1. ^ Edward Ullendorff, his review of Huntingford's translation of The Glorious Victories of Amda Ṣeyon, King of Ethiopia, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 29 (1966), p. 600
2. ^ a b Joanna Mantel-Niećko and Denis Nosnitsin, "cAmdä Ṣəyon I" in Siegbert von Uhlig, Encyclopaedia Aethiopica: A-C (Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz Verlag, 2003), p. 228.
3. ^ G.W.B. Huntingford, The Glorious Victories of Amda Seyon, King of Ethiopia (Oxford: University Press, 1965), pp. 6ff.
4. ^ Joanna Mantel-Niećko and Denis Nosnitsin, "Amdä Ṣəyon I", p. 227.
5. ^ Taddesse Tamrat, Church and State in Ethiopia (1270-1527) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. 89.
6. ^ a b c d Taddesse, Church and State, p. 90.
7. ^ Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, pp.
8. ^ a b c Taddesse, Church and State, p. 91.
9. ^ a b Taddesse, Church and State, p. 90n.
10. ^ a b Taddesse, Church and State, p. 92.
11. ^ a b c Taddesse, Church and State, p. 93.
12. ^ a b Taddesse, Church and State, p. 94.
13. ^ Taddesse, Church and State, pp. 135ff.
14. ^ a b Pankhurst, Richard. The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Regional History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century (Asmara, Eritrea: Red Sea Press, 1997), p. 78.
15. ^ a b c d Taddesse, Church and State, p. 137.
16. ^ a b Taddesse, Church and State, p. 73.
17. ^ Mantel-Niećko and Nosnitsin, "Amdä ṣeyon I" in von Uhlig, Encyclopaedia.
18. ^ a b c d Taddesse Church and State, p. 74.
19. ^ a b c Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 79.
20. ^ a b Taddesse, Church and State, p. 77.
21. ^ Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 40.
22. ^ a b Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 41.
23. ^ J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia (Oxford: Geoffrey Cumberlege for the University Press, 1952), p. 71.
24. ^ Huntingford, The Glorious Victories, p. 5.
25. ^ Taddesse, Church and State, p. 138.
26. ^ Pankhurst, Richard K.P. The Ethiopian Royal Chronicles. Addis Ababa: Oxford University Press, Inc., 1967, p. 15.
27. ^ Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 42.
28. ^ a b c Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 43.
29. ^ Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, p. 16.
30. ^ Pankhurst, Borderlands, p. 44.
31. ^ a b c d Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, p. 18.
32. ^ Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, pp. 19-20.
33. ^ Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, p. 20.
34. ^ a b c Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, p. 45.
35. ^ Huntingford, The Glorious Victories, passim.
36. ^ Huntingford, The Glorious Victories, p. 53.
37. ^ Ullendorff, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, p. 605. Ullendorff concludes his discussion of Huntigford's preference for 1329 with, "I know of no valid reason why we should abandon the year 1332 as that generally agreed for 'Amda Seyon's Adal campaign."
38. ^ Taddesse, Church and State, p. 138 n.2. (He also states that he disagrees with Huntingford over many of the geographical identifications, p. 139 n.4.)
39. ^ Taddesse, Church and State, p. 89.
40. ^ Edward Ullendorff, Ethiopia and the Bible (Oxford: University Press for the British Academy, 1968), pp. 32f, 35
41. ^ Taddesse, Church and state, p. 251.
42. ^ Pankhurst, Ethiopian Royal Chronicles, p. 23.
43. ^ Taddesse, Church and State, p. 91n.