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• 1 media/MOTLEYplaque2.jpg media/MOTLEYlandscape.jpg media/MOTLEYplaque2.jpg 2018-01-19T06:00:18-08:00 Tohono O'odham Plaque: Cultural Preservation and Survivance 24 by Daniel Motley image_header 2018-01-19T09:10:45-08:00 Recently, students in Professor Caroline Frank’s course Decolonizing Museums: Collecting Indigenous Culture in Taiwan and North America took a trip to visit Brown University’s Haffenreffer Museum located in Bristol, Rhode Island. However, prior to our visit, we were given the opportunity to choose an object to study within the Haffenreffer collection. While the Haffenreffer collection currently holds over one million objects, we were given the freedom to choose from a collection of objects that represent various Indigenous communities in North America. In homage to my own Native American tribe, the Tohono O’odham Nation, I made the decision to study an object that was created by my people. The object that I have chosen to study is a traditional Tohono O’odham plaque that was created by an elder, Dorothy Lopez.
   
  Soon after entering the Haffenreffer Museum, I approached the table in which the traditional Tohono O’odham plaque rested. At first glance, I was captivated by the large portrayal of a cultural symbol known as the “Man in the Maze.” Immediately, I began to feel comfortable while in the presence of this object, especially while thoughts of cultural and traditional story-telling persisted in my mind. Moments later, I began to examine the plaque and all of its artistically detailed qualities. The plaque reflected Southwestern culture through its material use of devil's claw and yucca. Although lacking color, the plaque’s tan and dark brown colors demonstrate the significance of traditional resources, which ultimately offers a more truthful and sincere representation of traditional Tohono O’odham weaving.
   
  Acquisition
  It is uncertain when this Tohono O’odham plaque was first collected. The absence of this information raises a call for critical analysis and poses numerous important questions. How was this plaque originally acquired? How do collectors and museums contribute to the living history of this plaque? Is it possible that this plaque was taken or stolen from the community from which it originates? While these questions remain unanswered, speculation arises in the history documented about this plaque.
   
  Before the Haffenreffer Museum took possession of the plaque, it already had a brief history in the Southwest region. According to the Haffenreffer’s database, the plaque was acquired at the Santa Rosa Trading Post. This particular trading post is located in modern day Santa Rosa, Arizona. Additionally, Santa Rosa is a town within the Gu Achi District of the Tohono O’odham Nation. Although the means of acquisition for this plaque may pose controversy, it is most likely that this plaque was purchased. This claim is focused on the argument that trading posts are intentionally established for the purpose of trade.
   
  According to the Haffenreffer’s database, the plaque was originally a part of “The Greenfield Collection In Memory of Myrtle Greenfield (1884-1967)” in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Soon after her death in 1967, the Greenfield family initiated the Greenfield Collection to commemorate Myrtle Greenfield — an advocate for public health during the twentieth century. Myrtle Greenfield is most notably recognized for her book A History of Public Health in New Mexico, which was published in 1962 under the University of New Mexico Press. After spending a short period of time in the Greenfield Collection, Robert and Mary Greenfield donated the plaque to the Haffenreffer Museum.
   
  With little information documented, it is uncertain as to why the Greenfield family donated this plaque to the Haffenreffer Museum. Did the Greenfield family have an existing relationship with the Haffenreffer Museum, or further, Brown University? Did the Greenfield family intend for this object to be used for ethnographic and anthropological purposes? Did the Greenfield family donate this plaque in hopes of serving the exponentially growing desire of Eurocentric Americans to study the Southwest region?
   
  Materials
  When examining the Tohono O’odham plaque, it is evident that there are many cultural influences, including the use of natural materials from traditional Tohono O’odham land. The dark brown material used to portray the Man in the Maze on the plaque is devil’s claw. Essentially, Tohono O’odham communities cultivate various species of devil’s claw in order to weave dark brown borders and geometric patterns (Watkinson, 48). This material is useful for Tohono O’odham weaving due to its ability to mature in heat, which poses no challenges for the heat that reaches Arizona year-round (Crosswhite, 59). Furthermore, the tan material used to outline the background of the plaque is yucca. Although yucca is a more contemporary material used for Tohono O’odham weaving, this plant is also cultivated on traditional Tohono O’odham lands.
   
  Together, these two natural materials represent an aspect of Tohono O'odham life. By using these materials and not artificial materials, Tohono O’odham communities are able to showcase the plants native to traditional Tohono O’odham lands (Watkinson, 48; Nabhan, 2016, 145). Ultimately, this is one way that Tohono O’odham communities assert resiliency within society. However, this claim does not repress the fact that other materials are also used for Tohono O’odham weaving. In fact, more contemporary practices may include the use of bright or dyed colors. Similarly, contemporary practices showcase cultural knowledge, while also using innovative techniques to individualize Tohono O’odham weaving styles.

   

  Loretta Willie’s beaded Tohono O’odham basket is a perfect example of how contemporary practices are guiding craftsmanship in the modern day. In 1992, Barbara Hail of Brown University purchased this basket from the Foutz Trading Company located in Farmington, New Mexico. Essentially, this basket became a part of the one million objects owned by the Haffenreffer Museum.

  Although Willie does not identify as Tohono O’odham, she does identify as Diné. The relationship between the Tohono O’odham basket and Diné beadwork symbolizes how intertribal craftsmanship is employed in the modern day. Specifically, Willie used peyote stitch beadwork to create intricate geometric patterns. Additionally, Willie incorporated colors that are not traditional to Tohono O’odham craftsmanship such as light blue, yellow, lime green, peach and red.

   
  Man in the Maze
  Historically, the Man in the Maze has since been a traditional symbol for the Tohono O’odham. When examining the plaque, I began to revisit my own understandings and knowledges of the Man in the Maze. While looking at the plaque, I recognized a figure at the top meeting before a labyrinth. I also recognized the juxtaposition between the two colors: the dark brown was used more in the center of the plaque while the tan color was used more in the outer areas.
   
  Traditionally, the symbol holds an incredibly high amount of value, much like the plaque’s blended material use. According to my own knowledges, the figure before the labyrinth represents I’itoi’ — a deity of the Tohono O’odham, or the Creator of the world. Likewise, the labyrinth represents one’s journey throughout life (Nabhan, 2002, 14). At first glance, the labyrinth appears to be a maze, which parallels to the obstacles that human face throughout life. However, the portrayal of the labyrinth demonstrates a deeper understanding that most individuals fail to recognize: the labyrinth can also be an example of topological unicursal drawing methods because the singular line represents the decisions that one makes when faced with obstacles (Labyrinth).
   
  Moreover, with I’itoi’ positioned in the tan area of the plaque, this is used to represent one’s birth into the world. Often times, the color tan holds a similar significance to the color white in that they are both intended to represent light and purity. Additionally, the center of the plaque is dark brown to represent one’s death. The color brown holds a similar significance to the color black in that they are both intended to represent the accumulation of knowledge and deeper understandings of life.
   
  Use
  Truthfully, it is difficult to unveil the true purposes of this plaque. However, in comparison to Tohono O’odham baskets (which share very similar materials and patterns), there is room to speculate. Clearly, traditional baskets were created for Tohono O’odham people for daily use. When outsider attraction for Tohono O’odham baskets began to rise, weavers perhaps could have created plaques in place of baskets to prevent the appropriation of Tohono O’odham practices. Consequently, this could have led to Tohono O’odham plaques being used for commercial purposes, further developing a profitable enterprise.
   
  The commercial implications of plaques are not to suggest that the Tohono O’odham knowingly sacrificed their knowledges and practices for financial gain. However, this form of subsistence has historically helped the Tohono O’odham further support themselves in the ways that they need. In addition, this form of subsistence is one of which that continues into the modern day. Often times, plaques are created for tourists to buy, which in turn benefits the Tohono O’odham without having to commodify their knowledges and practices.
  
  Works Cited
  1. Crosswhite, Frank S. "Desert Plants, Habitat and Agriculture in Relation to the Major Pattern of Cultural Differentiation in the O'odham People of the Sonoran Desert." Desert Plants (1981).
  2. "Labyrinth Design." Labyrinths. http://www.earthart.org/happenings/kiva/labyrinths.html.
  3. Nabhan, Gary Paul. Gathering the Desert. University of Arizona Press, 2016.
  4. Nabhan, Gary Paul. The Desert Smells Like Rain: A Naturalist in O'odham Country. University of Arizona Press, 2002.
  5. Watkinson, Gina Marie. "Tohono O'odham Basketry: An Enduring Tradition." (2013).