Digital Asia and Activism

Japan's State-Sponsored Idols: Drive Emotions and Sales

Sandria Tran 

At the epicenter of Japan, Idol culture holds a unique role in engaging the public in activism. Japanese celebrities and idols alike are described by Rio Katayama as part of an emerging participatory culture within Web 2.0. They use their influences to help tremendous natural disasters, especially during the time of 3.11—the Great East Japan Earthquake and Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Disaster. These idols have immense influences on the public through impactful celebrity activism, which can be simplified into two kinds of activism, which emerged from 3.11.

The type kinds of activisms that Katayama describe are “top-down idol/celebrity-driven activism” and “bottom-up fan-driven activism”. The former emerged with celebrities and idols utilizing mainstream media coverage for advocacy work that encourages fans to donate. While the latter focus on “grassroots” activism that influences the fans from within as the catalysis for their activism. It is one thing to read about idols and celebrities in Japan exerting influence on their audience. However, it is another thing to actualize the reality of their influence projected onto television programmings, advertisements, films, and the whole entire branding constructed for these social, economic, and political motivations. Their personas are no longer tied to their performativity—which includes their dancing, singing, and persona—but instead, they take onto a more politicized role for maximum public consumption. Their popularity, their fan base, and their talents are commodified within this framework not merely for entertainment. Instead, they are aggrandized for a larger purpose: social impact for the greater good.

Another interesting point that drives that thread of connection of idol and the general public, especially those outside the edges of the public, is how Katayama defines the idol’s role outside the entertainment setting. Idols are liaisons transcending the popular culture into the real world that isn’t perfect as their performance as their talents. Instead, they are riddled with mistakes, fear, anxiety, and especially disasters such as 3.11. For instance, during the aftermaths of 3.11, the female idol group AKB48 take on a large role as “national idols”. Their results? Eleven million dollars from their CDs and DVDs profits. Their methods? What has been described as a marketing strategy through affective intimacy where idols use their emotive connections with fans. It drives sells, it drives emotions, it drives intimacies, but most importantly it sells CDs and DVDs.

These methods are not just unique to AKB48. Take a look at Kyoto Miyake’s Tokyo Idols (2017) and examine this method of affective intimacy on a smaller scale. Filmmaker Kyoko Miyake illustrates perfectly how this marketing strategy lures in fans into an idol-fan relationship. Looking from a western lens, the monetary-driven relationship can be off-putting and strange, because it illustrates such an unusual transitionary relationship where an idol provides a service of conditional intimacy (hand-touching and timed conversation) for in exchange of disposable incomes coming from mostly middle-aged Japanese men. They come from many diverse backgrounds, with even some coming from salary corporate jobs, to unite with these idols. There is this striking transgression that is happening on screen that screams pedophile culture where young girls are commodified for men consumption. For those continue to watch as the documentary unfolds, they follow one of these star-struck emerging idols, Rio, who works endlessly for the attention of her fans. Who are, again, mostly middle-aged men. Some of these men trek behind her as she bikes through some parts of Japan for her tour, some even spend thousands of dollars on her, and some are just frequent fans who come to all her concerts. Rei, as a mere example out of many other idols, have devoted fans who admire. worship, and support her financially.

The hypnotizing nature of fans and idols relationships are what incentives the state to capitalize on idols for humanitarian purposes. That, within the capitalistic framework, is what drives the sells and commodifications of these young idols are what makes it possible for the state to exploit idols or celebrities and uplift their image from entertainment commodities but instead into humanitarian activists. For idols and celebrities to use their talents to sell for their livelihood would not be as charitable and honorable as using their talents to increase their values to the state and the public. They take to online spheres through Web 2.0 to serve a plethora of services and messages: to remind their fans of their safety, to encourage prayers during the difficult times, to conserve energy, and reduce unnecessary spending. During these disastrous times, Japan’s government and society enlist the idols for humanitarian and national security roles. Public policies are mobilized by idols and celebrities' popularity and appearances. The roles these idols play as activists in a country like Japan address a celebrity-driven activism that centers around capitalism, the state-endorsement of idols, and questions that remain unanswered about the state endorsement of youth for public entertainment, sponsorship, and social activism.
 

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