Citation:
 

• Therborn, Göran, 1941. The Ideology of Power and the Power of Ideology. NLB, London, 1980.

Good Review and Background:

https://www.marxists.org/history/erol/periodicals/theoretical-review/tr-30-1.pdf

-To conceive a text or an utterance as ideology is to focus on the Waze operates in the formation and transformation of human subjectivity

-1) ideology is then seeing as the medium through which men make their history as conscious actors. 2) wrong concept is of opposition between Bourgois and proletarian ideology or science and ideology as such true and false consciousness

-poulantzas: classes must be defined at the political ideological as well as the economic level

-two althuser  fallacies: only scientific knowledge is true or real and that human beings are motivated as subjects only buy what they know by true or distorted knowledge

- falalcy of interst: interests by themselves do not explain anything it is a normative concept indicating the most rational course of action in a predefined game the problem is how members of different classes come to define the world and their situation and possibilities in it in a particular way.

1. The ideological formation of human subjects

-subjection-qualification: New members become qualified to take up and perform the repertoire of rules given in society into which they are born.

The three fundamental modes of ideological interpellation:

1.what exists 2. What is good 3. What is possible.

• The formation of subjects of class struggle involves the process of subject qualification such that the tasks of producing sir plus labor are performed in the existence of class royal is recognized together with it’s on just character and the possibility of resisting it. On the part of numbers of the exploding class, the formation of class struggle subjects requires a subjection qualification to performing the tasks of exploitation, a recognition that this is the right thing to do and they can be defended.

The universe of ideological interpolations

1. inclusive existential ideologies like what life is what is good and bad in life what is possible and human existence and weather is a life after death.

2. Inclusive historical ideologies a US citizen a Catholic Italian number of the working class a resident of a particular neighborhood

3. Positional exit stencil ideologies the self and others and the two genders and the lifecycle of childhood youth and old age

4. Positional historical ideologies educational status positions of political power structures of difference

• The ideological universe is never reducible to class ideologies. Even in the most class polarized and class conscious societies, the other fundamental forms of human subjectivity coexist with class subjectivities.

• It is natural and not an aberration of underdeveloped class consciousness that class ideologies coexist with inclusive historical ideologies constituting the subjects of the contradictory totality of an exploitative mode of production

2) The historical materialism of ideologies

-The question of material determination is central to the corpus of historical materialistic Theory and has to be confronted directly

The structure of ideological systems

-proposition one: all ideologies exist only in historical forms in historical degrees of salience and modes of articulation with other ideologies

Proposition two: all ideologies operate in a material matrix of affirmations and sanctions, and this matrix determines their interrelationships.

Proposition three: all ideologies in class societies exist in historical forms of articulation with different classes in class ideologies.

Proposition four: the patterning of a given set of ideologies is within class societies overdetermined by class relations of strength and by the class struggle.

The generation of ideologies and material change

-proposition one: the generation of ideologies in human societies is always from the point of view of social science and history agra fee process of change of pre-existing ideologies.

Proposition two: Ideological change in the generation of ideologies is always dependent upon nan ideological material change.

Proposition three: the most important material change is constituted by the internal social dynamics of societies and of their mode of production.

Proposition for: every mode of production requires specific economic positional ideologies and every exploitative mode of production specific class ideologies.

Proposition five: every new mode of production will generate new economic positional ideologies.

Proposition six: all human societies exhibit X extensional and historical inclusive as well as his Storico positional ideologies

.

Proposition seven: the concrete form of accidental historical inclusive and historical positional ideologies other than the economic or not directly determined by the mode of production but changes in the former or over determined by the latter.

Proposition eight: new mode of production and new classes will generate forms of accidental historical inclusive and other historical positional ideologies that are capable of supporting and reinforcing the new predominate class ideologies if the former do not already exist.

3) The ideological constitution of classes

Dash we cannot talk of class struggle, of the struggle of classes as an analytic concept for structuring the myriad of social conflicts without assuming an ideological constitution of classes by specific class ideologies.

– The actual ideological ensemble of the members of a given class is a complex totality of different elements that can be not be reduced to one another.

– The critical aspect of the altar ideology is in the case of exporting classes the rationale for the domination of other classes; in the case of exploded classes it is the basis for their resistance to the exporters.

– The altar as well as the ego ideologies develop with the mode of production itself in social processes of ideological interpellation and through a learning process governed by various forms of affirmations and sanctions.

– Socialist ideology is not implicit in  working class existence (Lenin). There is a strong selective affinity but not a dubious utilitarian notion of interest.

-while feudalism helped by Catholicism no theory of feudalism can explain the core of prevailing religious doctrine of the church.

-Nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies are not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, they express their Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

– Bo nationalism became linked to the Bouge wall revolution by providing an ideology of struggle that counterposed to the dynastic and/or colonial power a state of legally free and equal citizens encompassing a certain territory.

– Inclusive historical ideologies or not simply invented as formulate of ruling class legitimization. Like the state itself, express the Storico outcome of struggles within and of the state.

– since nationalism played a crucial role in the Bouge why Z’s rise to power it is quite natural that nationalism as an inclusive ideology irreducible to class should be articulated within the rule of the bourgeoisie.

– starting from the ideology of a subordinate class one can either join the cause of the victors, embracing and subordinating oneself to the nationalist cause, or relate to the tradition of struggle, linking up with the national popular Tradition.

-Working class ideology in order to assert itself must confront and absorb occupational ideologies the particular work orientation and solidarity of particular occupations and crafts. Given a multi ethnic labor force ethnicity becomes a positional ideology competing with working class ideology.

– The ideological universe is irreducible to class ideologies, but the ideological ensemble of the class society is class patterned and ideological changes over determined by class struggle. The thesis concerning the class patterning of ideologies is not dependent on any notion of representation. Class ideologies like class politics do not represent anything other than themselves such as class interests.

– Class ideologies are not doctrines or elaborated forms of discourse. They are rather class specific core themes of discourse that very anonymously and concrete form and degree of elaboration.

4) The social order of ideologies

• ideologies actually operate in a state of this order. They are not possessions or text but an ongoing social process.

• – As he or she is the target of constant conflicting interpolations, the receiver is not necessarily consistent in his or her receptions and responding acts and interpolations.

• – The sudden shifts between acquiescence and revolt our collective processes not merely a series of individual changes.

• Big chart of neighborhoods schools jobs and mass media to show that forms are ideologies page 86.

5) ideology and political power

• So far no great modern social revolution has ever been made by a unified class subject demanding a completely new social order.

• Rather the process has gained momentum in a situation where the sustaining matrix of the regime in existence is crumbling three specific limited and often quite reformist demands often arising out of the new acute crisis situation itself.

• – it seems that the most important dimensions of ideological change in this process are those concerning what exists and what is possible .

• Generally speaking the more qualified the ruled at the point where they’re subjugation can no longer be sustained, the more they can achieve

• 6) social change and the power of ideology

•  

• consciousnessIdeological mobilization involves selling a common agenda for a massive people. That is to say summing up the dominant aspect of the crisis I didn’t find the crucial target and defining what is possible.

• – Ideological mobilization implies the fusion and condensation of several ideological discourses into a single major threat, usually expressed in a simple slogan.