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Chinatown(s) Neighborhood

Group of teachers at the Chinese Mission School of the Congregational Church

Photograph of a group of 12 teachers at the Chinese Mission School of the Congregational Church, Chinatown, Los Angeles, before 1900. They are seated and standing inside grouped around a a small cloth-covered table and chamber organ. Books sit on the table and in a shelf at right. A globe of the Earth sits on another table. Included in the image are: the superintendent of the school, Mrs. D.V. Rice (wife of Reverend D.V. Rice), Miss Emily Peck (of the First Congregational Church, at the right of the globe), Mrs. Lee (rear center), and the married daughter of Professor T.S.C. Lowe (in rear, wearing high felt hat).

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1. Group of teachers at the Chinese Mission School of the Congregational Church Photograph of a group of 12 teachers at the Chinese Mission School of the Congregational Church, Chinatown, Los Angeles, before 1900. They are seated and standing inside grouped around a a small cloth-covered table and chamber organ. Books sit on the table and in a shelf at right. A globe of the Earth sits on another table. Included in the image are: the superintendent of the school, Mrs. D.V. Rice (wife of Reverend D.V. Rice), Miss Emily Peck (of the First Congregational Church, at the right of the globe), Mrs. Lee (rear center), and the married daughter of Professor T.S.C. Lowe (in rear, wearing high felt hat).
2. St. Vincent's college priests, Los Angeles
3. Panoramic view of the back of Mission San Buenaventura and early Ventura from the hill behind the mission Photograph of a panoramic view of the back of Mission San Buenaventura and early Ventura from the hill behind the mission, ca.1883. The church and bell tower are visible in the foreground. To the left of the church is the quadrangle. Just outside of the mission is a small community of houses and buildings. Much of the land to the right is barren. The beach is visible in the distance. "Shows the Ayers, Palace and American Hotels, Schiapapietra house, small wood buildings that must be Chinatown, and beach." -- unknown author.; "Originally planned to be the third mission in the California chain, halfway between San Diego and Carmel, San Buenaventura's founding was postponed for 12 years. Problems at other missions prohibited the availability of the military escorts needed to establish Mission San Buenaventura. Finally, on Easter Sunday, March 31, 1782, Father Serra raised a cross and celebrated Mass to found his ninth and final mission on the beach of the Santa Barbara Channel. One of the main reasons for the prosperity of this mission was the extensive irrigation provided by a seven-mile-long aqueduct that brought water to the mission from the Ventura River. This allowed the production of many types of fruit, grains and vegetables. Due to the outstanding climate they were even able to grow exotic crops usually found only in torrid zones, such as sugar cane, bananas, coconuts and figs. After the first mission church burned down a new large stone church was begun. Fifteen years later, in 1809, it was dedicated. Three years later the earthquake of 1812 severely damaged the church but it was quickly reinforced. After secularization, in 1836, most of the mission lands were sold to private settlers. The mission church became a parish church for the surrounding town. Fortunately, the 'modern improvements' made to the church in the 1890's were undone in 1957 when the church was restored to its original state." -- unknown author.
4. Exterior view of a Japanese-style church in Los Angeles Photograph of an exterior view of a Japanese-style church in Los Angeles, 1900. The tall wooden church building can be seen in the background at right. Rectangular windows are visible around the building, and the corners of the steeply sloped roof are curved upward. A small covered well can be seen at center, and a gateway can be seen in the foreground at left. A small wooden fence encloses the yard around the church. In the background at left, a house is visible.
5. Exterior view of Mission Nuestra Senora de La Reina de Los Angeles Photograph of the exterior view of the Plaza Church (or Mission Nuestra Senora de La Reina de Los Angeles), Los Angeles, 1876. The three-story church features corner buttresses with spire-like tips. In front of the church is a fence that encloses the yard (at right). Three trees in the yard hinder the view of the building in the background. Another building is situated higher on the hill (or mountain?) in the background. Two horse-drawn carriages are parked in front of the church and near the fence. Picture file card reads: "Mission -- Nuestra senora de Los Angeles. From Hayes book in Bancroft Library".

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Religious Life & Faith Institutions
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Xenophobia, the "Perpetual Foreigner," and the Model Minority Myth

Christian missionaries initially converted Chinese immigrants under the assumption that they would return to China and spread Christianity there, but missionary work may have influenced some Chinese immigrants in their decision to remain in the United States, and specifically Southern California (Friends' 637). Missionary efforts began to take on more long-term efforts, linked with the enthusiasm expressed by Chinese immigrants for living in Los Angeles (Reed 883). Anglo-Chinese churches were founded in Chinatown, as well as schooling resources for Chinese children and adults. The church became a source for cross-cultural interaction, as well as solidarity for the evident xenophobia expressed by many Angelinos and Californians as well (Reed 884). Supporting Chinese immigrants became something of a divisive topic for white missionaries, and divides were formed primarily around methods of conversion. As one missionary describes, "where the Chinese are kindly treated, and where the churches are willing to take a loving interest in their salvation, the best results can be achieved. Here in San Francisco, our churches have no interest in our work. They are, with few—very few—exceptions, all anti-Chinese" (Reed 883). Well-intentioned efforts versus ones that emphasized Chinese immigrants in a framing of sin likely contributed to Chinese immigrants' feelings around conformity, because there was ultimately no stable front of solidarity even from the church (Stewart 710). Another interesting observation is that missionaries with xenophobic perspectives also viewed the Chinese Exclusion Act as a method to expand Christianity in China while keeping America pure from Chinese immigrants, as "their temptations are peculiar and their discouragements great" (Stewart 710).

Sources
Friends', Review H J., S. "THE CHINESE AT LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA: TRANSLATION." Friends' Review; a Religious, Literary and Miscellaneous Journal (1847-1894), May 19, 1877, 636, http://libproxy.usc.edu/login?url=https://www-proquest-com.libproxy2.usc.edu/docview/91109706?accountid=14749.

Stewart, J. H. "The Board of Foreign Missions: THE CHINESE IN LOS ANGELES." New York Observer and Chronicle (1833-1912), Nov 29, 1906, 710, http://libproxy.usc.edu/login?url=https://www-proquest-com.libproxy2.usc.edu/docview/136282014?accountid=14749.

Zesch, Scott. The Chinatown War: Chinese Los Angeles and the Massacre of 1871. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2012.
color scheme test #1
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #2
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #1
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #1.1
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #1.2
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #3
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #1.3
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #5
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #2
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #6
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #4
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
color scheme test #1.4
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #4
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #3
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #7
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).
Font Scheme #8
Brief Introduction
We defined religious life and faith institutions to refer to any religious or faith influence for residents of Chinatown—either from existing beliefs brought from China, or missionary activity and conversion attempts made in Los Angeles. We also wanted to examine how these beliefs manifested themselves in physical or ideological societal institutions in Chinatown. We began by primarily researching churches established in Chinatown, because Christian missionary activity appeared to be some of the most prominent religious actions of the time. Given that residents of Chinatown struggled with conformity and xenophobia, it seemed unlikely that accounts of Chinese religion and beliefs would be more salient than Christian conversion.
Missionary Activity

We first started with the narratives of Christian missionaries who worked with residents of Chinatown; descriptions of conversion success and English tutoring demonstrated that missionaries had genuine, although somewhat patronizing intentions with Chinatown residents (Friends' 636). But these positive accounts subsequently framed this success within the Western mentality instilled into these Chinese immigrants—that English and Christianity are essential to civility, but also social acceptance (637). The apparent success of conversion from the perspective of these white missionaries also appears to be linked with a mentality of fear, or at the very least, intimidation. One Chinese immigrant writes to a friend in China, "if we learn to be good, many American people will like us Chinese. If we do not, then will many Americans dislike us. I, a thousand times, think it very important for our countrymen in California to learn English" (637). Although "successful" conversion attempts also produced a mentality that language and religious conformity was absolutely required for Chinese immigrants to reach a bare minimum threshold of tolerance. Despite the specific qualifications for Chinatown residents to become acceptable in the eyes of white society, Chinese immigrants seemed to expand their desire to remain in Los Angeles. From The Chinatown War: "Otis Gibson, a Methodist missionary who worked among the Chinese immigrants, reported that some were becoming so attached to American ways that they were no longer content to live in China and wanted to settle permanently in the United States. He also thought that their numbers were constantly increasing" (Zesch 9).