Architecture
In the 1860s, the first wave of Chinese-American immigrants to Los Angeles moved in to the Calle de los Negros and packed into the single-story adobe homes owned by well-off Mexican Californios and white landlords. Colonnaded verandas in front of these homes provided narrow, shaded walkways. There was little the Chinese immigrants could do to make the neighborhood theirs, however, because the contracts of their rented properties proved unstable. What characterizes the architecture of Chinatown at this period is impermanence. All the Chinese immigrants could do to distinguish themselves architecturally was to put up ornamentation: a red banner here and there, some lanterns, Chinese characters to announce the names of the residents, but there was little room for enduring self-expressive architecture: "the immigrants learned not to invest too much money in improving their rented premises, however. In the decades to come, the City of Los Angeles would repeatedly uproot their community in the name of civic progress" (Zesch, 13-14).
Displacement and liminality characterized the lives of this first wave of Chinese immigrants: they were packed into rented adobe homes, sometimes fifteen to a room (Zesch, 14), and were socially marginalized in the dominant Anglo Los Angeles of the time. What can an investigation of the architecture (here understood broadly as the built environment) of Old Chinatown tell us about the Chinese community in Los Angeles at the time of the early waves of immigrants? How is their condition of displacement and civic erasure evident in the architectural archives (largely photos and oral accounts) we now have access to. Also, can we find ways in which the architecture of Old Chinatown reveals practices of community building, political organization, and celebration of heritage despite the forces that sought to subjugate and eventually displace the Chinese community?
Real Estate
The old Chinatown was a hub of civil unrest. When China had a population boom in the 19th century, a lot of people looked toward the United States to escape famine and land shortages that they were experiencing in China. Thus, they began to migrate to the US and settled in the oldest part of Los Angeles/Chinatown: El Pueblo de Los Angeles Historical Monument. However, this transition was not smooth. It was accompanied by racial and socioeconomic discrimination beause the Chinese people would take American jobs. There was constant opposition and heightened levels of anti-chinese sentiments which even resulted in violence. Ultimately, this barred the Chinese people from certain neighborhoods and they were restrained by the landlords in terms of where they could live (Ohanesian, 2019).
The restraints were not just limited to where they could live but extended to other facets of life which diminished their socioeconomic status. To begin with, the Chinese people were pushed into doing lower end jobs which were not high paying. This in turn resulted in their living conditions being relatively poor. It is startling to know that the median income for Los Angeles county is $56,000 as compared to just $19,500 for Chinatown. This is due to the inaccessibility of economic opportunities and a lack of education attainment. Only 28% of the Chinatown population has an economic degree which is a direct result of previously poor living conditions for the Chinese people which is being passed down through generations. It then goes to say that only 6% of Chinatown populace are homeowners and a majority of the rest 94% have trouble paying rent. Not just this, the housing quality is also significantly low which in turn impacts lifestyle, educational outcomes, and depletes mental & physical health. Ultimately, this resulted in a self-perpetuating cycle of depleting socioeconomic status stemming from the poor housing and architectural conditions and needed resolution in form of the New Chinatown (Mai & Chen, 2013).
Monuments of Old Chinatown
The Garnier building (currently located at 419 N Los Angeles Street) is the only architectural and monumental vestige of Old Chinatown. It was built in 1890 by French businessman Phillipe Garnier and leased to Chinese tenants. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries it housed Chinese shops, schools, religious organizations, and cultural centers which provided a hub for community and political organization. It housed "the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (Chung Wah), which served as an umbrella organization for the community, fought anti-Chinese legislation and mediated disputes; the Sun Wing Wo Company (1891-1948), a popular general merchandise store which also served as a social center for Chinatown residents; the Chinese American Citizen's Alliance (1895-present), who were active in opposing discrimination and in registering Chinese American citizens to vote; the Wong Ha Christian Chinese Missions School (1897-1905); the Chinese Mission (1901); the Chinese Chamber of Commerce (1912-present); the China Empire Reform Association (1913); the Chinese English School (1913); and the Chinese Laundrymen's Association." (http://camla.org/the-building/)
Since many of these organizations are still active, it would be interesting and extremely informative to pay visits to and conduct interviews with staff members knowledgeable of the history of the Garnier. This historical data would help to reconstruct the Garnier Building as it was experienced in the heyday of old Chinatown. Thinking of the building itself not merely as a hollow and static geometrical space, but rather as a dynamic agent that actively conditioned the forms of community and cultural activity that took place therein can help us to truly appreciate the importance of the Garnier building in constructing identity in old Chinatown. To gain this kind of understanding, we must learn about its history of construction, its stylistic resonances, and most importantly how it was used and thought of by the Chinese community. We will look at the ways in which architecture “acts on us” and “conditions human behavior” as described in Leland Roth’s comprehensive Understanding Architecture: Its Elements, History, and Meaning, in order to understand the Garnier’s symbolic and aesthetico-political valances (Roth, 4-5). [Janis]
Night life
The New Chinatown was built in the late 1930s with cultural exchange as one of its central premises. Whereas the Old Chinatown separated the city’s Chinese residents from the others, the New Chinatown would invite others in, as a kind of local, authentic tourism.
Peter Soo Hoo, a professional engineer and USC alum, became one of the most important figures in the neighborhood's development. As a Chinese-American who spoke fluent Mandarin and English, and alum of a prestigious US university, Soo Hoo was in an ideal position to unify Chinatown to the larger Los Angeles.
The New Chinatown boasted strongly symbolic architecture throughout. The plazas’ are marked by “neo-pagoda” architecture, as described by the LA Times. The buildings are characterized by vibrant colors– especially red, a Chinese symbol of good luck– and stories demarcated by sets of tiled roofs that converge into sloped peaks.
If it seems fake or excessive, it might be because its original designers were borrowed from the movie studios of Hollywood (Tsui). Experienced set designers were employed to envision the tourist attractions that are the New Chinatown’s plazas. (Diego)
As the most diverse city in America with a rich food history and culture, restaurants in Los Angeles are a window into history. Chinese restaurants in Chinatown are specifically relevant because they demonstrate the Americanization of both food and architecture. The restaurants in Chinatown epitomize the “neo-pagada” architectural trend in New Chinatown. The implementation of so-called “chinese” motifs brought attention to Chinese Immigrants’ past while also using it as a method to bring in tourism. Restaurants made up a large portion of commercial property and consequently became more prevalent in the everyday life and nightlife of Chinatown. Restaurants in Chinatown also exemplify the new culture of “chinese Americans” by serving americanized versions of traditional Chinese cuisine like Chop Suey.