As has been mentioned, under the larger systematic framework of neoliberal capitalism, the Korean cosmetic surgery industry has normalized a globalized ‘ideal’ standard of beauty with the strategic profit-driven intention of achieving a higher level of efficiency. Furthermore, the very fact that this ‘ideal’ standard of beauty effaces ethnic and racial significance in so far that it may be positioned as a transcultural consumer ideal of beauty is precisely what enables it to appeal to a broader, international consumer market. And yet, at the same time, the Korean cosmetic surgery brand seems to still maintain a certain ‘Koreanness’— wherein it capitalizes on its esteemed reputation of having the best and most skilled cosmetic surgeons. That being said, as especially demonstrated with the case in China, it is possible that this globalized ‘ideal’ may become strongly associated with the Korean cosmetic surgery brand and thus become perceived as a ‘Korean’ standard of beauty. 

With these points in mind, this brings us to topic of the increasingly popular trend of Korean Medical Tourism—particularly in China. Within the current massive industry of South Korean cosmetic surgery there exists the sector of Medical Tourism, which has come to occupy a substantial share of the market and continues to grow exponentially each year. In fact, Medical Tourism accounts for roughly a third of the industry’s total market share (Marx, 2015) and the South Korean government anticipates one million medical tourists a year by 2020 (Stevenson, 2014). Large floods of tourists enter Korea for the sole desire experiencing the illustrious notion of ‘Beauty by Korean Design’—the majority of which are Chinese. Though Korean cosmetic surgery is indeed gaining widespread popularity all across Asia and more recently within Southeast Asia, China nevertheless remains its largest export market by far and its high level of demand amongst Chinese consumers does not appear to be wavering anytime soon. Correspondingly, in a 2010 survey conducted by the medical services website Ping’an yihao (Peace is No. 1) over 50 percent of the 620,823 Chinese interviewed indicated a desire to undergo cosmetic surgery in Korea (Davies and Han 152). 

One of the key aspects emphasized by the Korean cosmetic surgery industry that has enabled its marketing success in China is the perception that ‘Korean Design’ is a superior brand to that of China. For instance, several Chinese media reports deem Korean surgeons to be superiorly skilled in that they are more nimble, meticulous, detail oriented, and even quicker (Davies and Han 152). Consequently, a considerable number of Korean surgeons have opened up clinics in Beijing and Shanghai, and some 50 Korean-owned clinics were estimated to be operating in both cities in 2005 (Davies and Han 153). Furthermore, there has been the recent trend of Chinese-owned clinics partnering up with Korean surgeons, wherein Korean surgeons are flown in for weekend visits to offer consultations and perform surgical procedures. In fact, it is estimated that there were roughly 30 clinics of this kind in 2010 (Davies and Han 153). 

Another key aspect in facilitating the success of Korean cosmetic surgery in China has been, just as in Korea, the rapid development of digital technology. Hence, the Korean cosmetic surgery industry relies heavily on the use of digital publicity to target Chinese consumers. It is also worth noting that in doing so, the Korean cosmetic surgery industry also strongly emphasizes self-improvement when penetrating the Chinese consumer market. And just like in Korea, the Korean cosmetic surgery industry’s use of digital technology in China has also come to inevitably target Chinese youth as a primary consumer group. Accordingly, as Davies and Han remark, “The majority of mainland Chinese cosmetic surgery recipients are demographically similar to their Korean counterparts (namely, senior high school and university students, mainly female but with a rising number of male recipients, and professional women in their twenties and thirties)” (Davies and Han 153). 

Moreover, it is important to consider the fact that due to Chinese government’s heavy censorship of any form of politically oppositional content online, this has consequently facilitated the rise and widened scope of lifestyle and entertainment media. In other words, the Chinese state generally does not perceive this form of content as a being a threat to its authority. Therefore, under these circumstances, Korean Hallyu products have come to occupy a large portion of the lifestyle and entertainment media content that is available online in China (Davies and Han 153). One could thus draw a parallel and perhaps even suggest a clear correlation between the success of Korean cosmetic surgery in China and the widespread popularity of Hallyu products— namely, its surgically beautified stars—on Chinese online media. And although there are indeed Chinese reports that caution against Korean cosmetic surgery rather than praise it, Davies and Han argue that even in these cases “it is fraudulent practice that is being criticized, not cosmetic surgery per se” (Davies and Han 154). 

The following clip further illustrates the strong impact of Hallyu and the Korean cosmetic surgery brand amongst Chinese consumers. This clip is of an episode of a Korean cosmetic surgery reality show titled Miss Agent, which appears to be sponsored by ID Plastic Surgery Hospital. This episode features a client named Baebae, who is a 25-year-old Chinese female and university student. The show explains that although Baebae received many compliments regarding her appearance while she was in China, when she arrived in Korea her physical appearance was perceived as being unattractive. 

In this particular case, it is interesting to note that the motivation behind Baebae’s desire to undergo cosmetic surgery is not so much to align with the perceived Chinese standards of feminine beauty, but is rather satisfy and meet the supposed ‘higher’ standards of Korean feminine beauty. In addition, just as in the previous clip of the show Let Me In, this episode also emphasizes the newfound confidence of the contestant through her voice and the manner in which she speaks. Another common aspect that this clip shares with the previous clip is that upon being presented with her ‘Before’ photo, Baebae also displays a strong sense of detachment from her previous ‘self’. Furthermore, although this episode frames Baebae’s appearance more as being ‘Chinese’ than being intolerably ugly per se, it nonetheless plays up the nature of her transformation as being a ‘total success’ and a significant improvement from her previous appearance. The episode also somewhat hints at the influence of Hallyu on Chinese consumers when Baebae excitedly mentions that her friends recently told her she resembled IU, a famous K-pop singer. This is further demonstrated when Baebae states that although in the past a chubbier face for women was more preferred in China, Chinese people now prefer a more slender face for women, just as in Korea. Finally, the ‘surprise ending’ of the clip is what appears to be the most striking part, where the surgeon who performed surgery on Baebae suddenly offers her a job at his clinic in focusing on her ability to speak Chinese as being an asset to the clinic because of the large number of Chinese patients they receive. This not only reinforces the notion that cosmetic surgery for young women can guarantee success in finding employment, but also suggests the global reach of the Korean cosmetic surgery as an exported commodity. 

Sources

Davies, Gloria, and Gil-Soo Han. "Korean cosmetic surgery and digital publicity: Beauty by Korean design." Media International Australia Incorporating Culture and Policy Nov. 2011: 146-56. Academic OneFile. Web. 

Marx, Patricia. "Why Is South Korea the World’s Plastic-surgery Capital?" Editorial. The New Yorker. Condé Nast, 23 Mar. 2015. Web. <http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/03/23/about-face>.

Stevenson, Alexandra. "Plastic Surgery Tourism Brings Chinese to South Korea." The New York Times. N.p., 23 Dec. 2014. Web. <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/24/business/international/plastic-surgery-tourism-brings-chinese-to-south-korea.html>.